Barbara Wake Carroll

State and ethnicity in Botswana and Mauritius: A democratic route to development?

Botswana and Mauritius stand virtually alone among developing countries in having achieved rates of economic development rivalling those of the East Asian NICs, while maintaining democratic institutions. We compare their experiences with the goal of identifying aspects of a democratic route to development that avoids the inherent authoritarianism of the East Asian model. Our study is based upon Hydens [1992] governance model, but we suggest two important modifications to that model. A strong state seems essential to achieving economic development, and we identify means of reducing the tendency for such states to lose accountability. Secondly, the experience of these two countries suggests ways in which the ethnic and tribal divisions that are so common in LDCs can be recognised by the state so that social pluralism makes a positive contribution to effective and democratic governance.

Accommodating ethnic diversity in a modernizing democratic state: theory and practice in the case of Mauritius

This article examines the accommodation of diverse ethnic communities in developing democratic states. We examine those means of managing or reducing ethnic conflicts identified in the literature that have actually been employed in Mauritius, one of the most successful ethnically-diverse developing states in the world. Our findings suggest that traditional elite-dominated means of regulating conflicts are becoming less effective in an age of growing populism and declining deference to elites, and that new means of incorporating ethnic communities into the functioning of the state are required. The key means in the case of Mauritius seem to have been the development of a competent and representative public service; the incorporation of civic associations, including those with an ethnic character, in the policy process by means of a civic network; and the evolution of political parties into ethnically diverse organizations. Inclusiveness appears to be more important than strict proportionality.

Civic Networks, Legitimacy and the Policy Process

In ethnically divided developing countries, avenues permitting popular participation in the policy process seem essential if the state is to be viewed as legitimate. Frequently, however, mechanisms intended to build legitimacy by providing for popular participation fail to achieve this target. This article analyzes the policy process in Mauritius, and argues that it combines characteristics of both policy networks and civil society. We term this form of popular consultation on policy a “civic network,” and we present research which suggests that it has been successful in building legitimacy. By comparing this civic network with other forms of popular participation, we are able to identify the characteristics which seem to make it more effective. The effects of popular participation on the policy capacity of a state are more mixed, but in the case of Mauritius, we conclude that by increasing legitimacy, the civic network also increased state policy capacity.

The rapid emergence of civil society in Botswana

Civil society was almost nonexistent in Botswana in the late 1980s, but it developed extraordinarily rapidly in size and influence in the decade that followed. By the turn of the century, Botswana had an active, vibrant and influential civil society. This article suggests two important modifications to the conventional conception of civil society that increase its utility in Botswana, and in many other developing countries. It then identifies factors that permitted the rapid emergence of civil society in that country, and it analyses the consequences of such a rapid growth. We conclude with a comment on the future prospects of civil society in Botswana, and a discussion of the extent to which its experience may be relevant to other developing countries.

Trouble in paradise: ethnic conflict in Mauritius

This article identifies the factors that led to inter‐ethnic violence in the Indian Ocean island state of Mauritius early in 1999. Until then, Mauritius had been one of the most successful of developing countries, achieving rapid economic growth, huge improvements in the average standard of living, and the consolidation of democratic institutions and procedures. Despite the multi‐ethnic character of its population, it avoided ethnic violence for more than three decades after becoming independent in 1968. We demonstrate that the increased inequalities associated with economic growth created social strains; that the failure of the education system to adapt to new social needs has helped to perpetuate inequalities; and that the fact that inequality partly coincides with ethnic divisions transformed those social strains into an explosive situation. Our analysis suggests a number of steps that might be taken to reduce the likelihood of a recurrence of inter‐ethnic violence in Mauritius and identifies some general lessons from the Mauritian experience.

The consolidation of democracy in Mauritius

The dangers posed by ethnic conflict and unrealized popular hopes for economic progress are two major stumbling blocks to democratic consolidation. When Mauritius became independent in 1968 the many serious difficulties it faced included ethnic conflicts, economic stagnation, rapid population growth and high unemployment. Yet, three decades on Mauritius is a flourishing democracy and an economic success. The explanation seems to be good luck, a favourable colonial inheritance, good leadership and five consequences of that leadership: the development of competent and representative state bureaucracy; restraint of population growth; economic diversification; the integration of minority communities in the policy process through a civic network; and the accomodation of diverse ethnic communities. Democracy in Mauritius has been consolidated but not perfected. But the dangers of corruption, personalization of political parties and the exclusion of the ti‐kreol from power, while real, have a greater potential f...

Popular Participation in Contentious Policy Areas: Education Policy in Mauritius

Mauritius, like many developing countries, has a need for educational reform. Education is a contentious policy area where it is difficult to build consensus. Mauritius has a well-established procedure, the civic network, for involving the public in policy making, and building state legitimacy and capacity. Yet, in recent attempts at educational reform, the civic network has been avoided. Instead, they have relied upon technocratic policy making which, in political terms, has had limited success. We explain why this happened and conclude that, in Mauritius and similar participatory societies, a participatory policy procedure probably is essential to the successful development and implementation of reforms in contentious policy areas like education.

Systemic Conservatism in North American Organizations

Rational theories of organizational decision-making have shown that organiza tional outcomes and performance reflect a mixture of behavioural, structural and contextual factors, such as the goals of managers, the size and function of the organization, and the condition of the external environment. Critiques of this model suggest that non-rational factors such as national or systemic cultural values also affect the decision-making process. This article treats Canada and the United States as similar systems that differ in the degree to which their cultures embody conservative values. The author hypothesizes that the expenditure pat terns of organizations in the two countries will reflect this variation in systemic conservatism, and tests this expectation against data from a longitudinal sample of firms from three industries in each of the two countries. The analysis suggests that the impact and relative importance of the factors included in rational models of decision-making differ in Canada and the U.S. in ways that are consistent with the systemic conservatism hypothesis.