Terrance Carroll

Accommodating ethnic diversity in a modernizing democratic state: theory and practice in the case of Mauritius

This article examines the accommodation of diverse ethnic communities in developing democratic states. We examine those means of managing or reducing ethnic conflicts identified in the literature that have actually been employed in Mauritius, one of the most successful ethnically-diverse developing states in the world. Our findings suggest that traditional elite-dominated means of regulating conflicts are becoming less effective in an age of growing populism and declining deference to elites, and that new means of incorporating ethnic communities into the functioning of the state are required. The key means in the case of Mauritius seem to have been the development of a competent and representative public service; the incorporation of civic associations, including those with an ethnic character, in the policy process by means of a civic network; and the evolution of political parties into ethnically diverse organizations. Inclusiveness appears to be more important than strict proportionality.

Civic Networks, Legitimacy and the Policy Process

In ethnically divided developing countries, avenues permitting popular participation in the policy process seem essential if the state is to be viewed as legitimate. Frequently, however, mechanisms intended to build legitimacy by providing for popular participation fail to achieve this target. This article analyzes the policy process in Mauritius, and argues that it combines characteristics of both policy networks and civil society. We term this form of popular consultation on policy a “civic network,” and we present research which suggests that it has been successful in building legitimacy. By comparing this civic network with other forms of popular participation, we are able to identify the characteristics which seem to make it more effective. The effects of popular participation on the policy capacity of a state are more mixed, but in the case of Mauritius, we conclude that by increasing legitimacy, the civic network also increased state policy capacity.

The rapid emergence of civil society in Botswana

Civil society was almost nonexistent in Botswana in the late 1980s, but it developed extraordinarily rapidly in size and influence in the decade that followed. By the turn of the century, Botswana had an active, vibrant and influential civil society. This article suggests two important modifications to the conventional conception of civil society that increase its utility in Botswana, and in many other developing countries. It then identifies factors that permitted the rapid emergence of civil society in that country, and it analyses the consequences of such a rapid growth. We conclude with a comment on the future prospects of civil society in Botswana, and a discussion of the extent to which its experience may be relevant to other developing countries.

Trouble in paradise: ethnic conflict in Mauritius

This article identifies the factors that led to inter‐ethnic violence in the Indian Ocean island state of Mauritius early in 1999. Until then, Mauritius had been one of the most successful of developing countries, achieving rapid economic growth, huge improvements in the average standard of living, and the consolidation of democratic institutions and procedures. Despite the multi‐ethnic character of its population, it avoided ethnic violence for more than three decades after becoming independent in 1968. We demonstrate that the increased inequalities associated with economic growth created social strains; that the failure of the education system to adapt to new social needs has helped to perpetuate inequalities; and that the fact that inequality partly coincides with ethnic divisions transformed those social strains into an explosive situation. Our analysis suggests a number of steps that might be taken to reduce the likelihood of a recurrence of inter‐ethnic violence in Mauritius and identifies some general lessons from the Mauritian experience.

The consolidation of democracy in Mauritius

The dangers posed by ethnic conflict and unrealized popular hopes for economic progress are two major stumbling blocks to democratic consolidation. When Mauritius became independent in 1968 the many serious difficulties it faced included ethnic conflicts, economic stagnation, rapid population growth and high unemployment. Yet, three decades on Mauritius is a flourishing democracy and an economic success. The explanation seems to be good luck, a favourable colonial inheritance, good leadership and five consequences of that leadership: the development of competent and representative state bureaucracy; restraint of population growth; economic diversification; the integration of minority communities in the policy process through a civic network; and the accomodation of diverse ethnic communities. Democracy in Mauritius has been consolidated but not perfected. But the dangers of corruption, personalization of political parties and the exclusion of the ti‐kreol from power, while real, have a greater potential f...

Owners, immigrants and ethnic conflict in Fiji and Mauritius

Abstract Fiji and Mauritius are very similar countries, but in Fiji conflicts between native Fijians and Indo‐Fijians about basic political rights contributed to the military coups of 1987, and the subsequent proclamation of a fundamentally undemocratic constitution. In Mauritius, by contrast, ethnic relations have been almost entirely peaceful, and democratic institutions have taken root. This article argues that the fact that native Fijians believe themselves entitled to special rights as an indigenous people, while no ethnic community makes similar claims in Mauritius, is an important factor in explaining the differences in ethnic relations in the two countries. Claims to special rights as an indigenous people are shown to rest not only on the length of prior settlement, but also on a number of contextual factors. Differences in their colonial experiences, in the internal social structures of ethnic communities, and in the timing of demographic changes, help to account for the insistence on Fijian para...

Popular Participation in Contentious Policy Areas: Education Policy in Mauritius

Mauritius, like many developing countries, has a need for educational reform. Education is a contentious policy area where it is difficult to build consensus. Mauritius has a well-established procedure, the civic network, for involving the public in policy making, and building state legitimacy and capacity. Yet, in recent attempts at educational reform, the civic network has been avoided. Instead, they have relied upon technocratic policy making which, in political terms, has had limited success. We explain why this happened and conclude that, in Mauritius and similar participatory societies, a participatory policy procedure probably is essential to the successful development and implementation of reforms in contentious policy areas like education.

Disobedience and Violence in Northern Ireland

This article addresses the need to relate theoretical statements on the causes of political violence to micro-level activity. Gurrs relative deprivation model is reviewed and some modifications are suggested. His theory, the modifications, and a number of possible alternatives or additions to the theory are then tested against data from a survey of Roman Catholic political activists in Northern Ireland. The analysis suggests that disobedient and violent forms of antiregime behavior have quite different causes; that the connection between RD and violence is less direct than Gurr suggests; and that dissidence plays a more important role than that accorded it in the relative deprivation model.