Brian Girvin

Political culture, political independence and economic success in Ireland

Abstract It is frequently claimed that political independence will have a positive impact on economic performance. Using the Irish example this article argues that there is no causal relationship between political independence and economic success. Although Ireland was well placed after 1922 to achieve economic success, the outcome until the 1970s was unimpressive. It is argued that in the Irish case the nature of the political culture inhibited the societys willingness to take the risks required for sustained economic development It has only been since the 1970s, with the modernisation of the society and with the weakening of the traditional political culture, that the opportunity for self‐sustained economic expansion has been available.

Continuity, Change and Crisis in Ireland: An Introduction and Discussion

It is now widely acknowledged that Ireland has changed dramatically in less than two decades. The country is now considered part of the northern European arc of prosperity, rather than a lagging region of the European Union (Ferriter, 2005; Redmond, 2000; Foster, 2007), though there is disagreement concerning the nature of the process (Kirby, 2006; O’Hearn, 2001). During this short period, Ireland became an affluent society, significantly reduced both unemployment and poverty and faced new challenges in respect of immigration, gender and policy making (see the contributions to Fahey et al ., 2007). How do we explain these changes, and what impact they have had on social, political and institutional norms and values in Ireland? For example, is there a causal relationship between European Union membership and the economic success of the Celtic Tiger or did Ireland simply benefit from fortuitous investment decisions by global companies? Alternatively did changes in the policy framework and the political coalitions available for government formation contribute an indigenous dimension to this success? The greatest consensus probably exists on the economy and here the evidence for significant change is strong if contested. As late as 1990 Irish per capita income continued to lag well behind the EU average, whereas now income is second only to that of Luxembourg. Social change has also been dramatic, particularly in terms of female participation in the workforce, their involvement in education or changing attitudes among and about women (National Economic and Social Council, 1989: 117; Fahey & Lyte, 2007; McGinnity et al ., 2007). In consequence there has been an appreciable narrowing of differences between Ireland and Europe. Change has also been evident in Northern Ireland, where the Good Friday Agreement has had a significant impact on the polarised nature of the region’s political system. If Ireland was sometimes seen as an exceptional case in a European context in the past, it is much harder to draw this conclusion in the twenty-first century. Whatever else Ireland is in the contemporary world, it is no longer simply a Catholic nationalist agrarian society

Contraception, Moral Panic and Social Change in Ireland, 1969–79

Abstract The controversy over contraception during the 1970s was the first episode in what became the Irish ‘cultural wars’ of the 1970s and 1980s. This article suggests that changes in attitudes among a minority of Irish citizens and the availability of oral contraceptives in the 1960s challenged the traditional prohibition on contraceptives contained in the Criminal Law Amendment Act. Liberals challenged this legislation but received very little support from either Fianna Fáil or Fine Gael until the McGee Supreme Court decision in 1973. Even then, dissent over the issue led the Taoiseach to vote against his own government’s legislation in 1974. Legislation was eventually passed in 1979, though this was conceived in conservative and restrictive terms rather than as a liberal measure. This controversy marks the emergence of conservative grassroots movements in defence of traditional Catholic teaching and Fianna Fáil positioning itself on the conservative wing of Irish politics on these policy areas.

Unapproved Routes: Histories of the Irish Border 1922–1972: Leary, Peter Oxford: Oxford University Press 252 pp., £25.00, ISBN 9780198778578 Publication Date: October 2016

annals. Chapter 3, covering the 1560s– 80s, highlights the complexities of indigenous relationships with Europeans, as seen in Anales of Tecamachalco. Chapter 4, about the turn of the seventeenth century, focuses on the work of the most well-known annalist, Chimalpahin. In his annals, he worried that Nahua histories are being lost. A similar concern is seen in Chapter 5, also on the seventeenth century. The Tlaxcalan statesman don Juan Buenaventura Zapata y Mendoza’s concern about losing touch with the old ways is seen in his close adherence to the style of the old xiuhpohualli (although in alphabetic text) and the fact that, unlike Chimalpahin, Zapata consults only native sources to write his history. A major contribution of this book is that it paints a picture of indigenous self-determination and survival without losing sight of the fact that there were, indeed, losses and deep nostalgia for an unrecoverable past. Annals of Native America is an indispensable work for those working in indigenous histories in Latin America, as well as the native north and colonial Mexico in general.

Electoral competition in Ireland since 1987: the politics of triumph and despair

Gary Murphy has written an engaging and tightly focussed analysis of Irish politics since the 1980s. The author provides a strong narrative structure to his discussion of the key events that shaped...

An Irish solution to an Irish problem: Catholicism, contraception and change, 1922–1979

When Ireland became independent in 1922 there was widespread support for the imposition of a moral order that reflected Catholic teaching. This was remarkably successful: divorce was outlawed while contraception was prohibited as part of this process. The consensus on moral issues was challenged for the first time during the 1970s. The legalisation of contraception became the main battlefield between conservatives and liberals. This article analyses successive attempts to change policy and discusses the impact of social and political change in a homogeneous Catholic state. Ireland remained a predominantly religious country and the Roman Catholic Church wielded considerable influence. The controversy over contraception challenged the Churchs authority and the societys deeply embedded moral values. For the first time, Irish politics was divided on matters of church and state. Resolution came in 1979, however the legislation reflected the continuing influence of the bishops on policy making. It also highlighted the caution of politicians who remained reluctant to act. In contrast to elsewhere in Western Europe, the legislation was not a turning point but an example of conservative retrenchment. The legislation generated a conservative backlash that successfully imposed traditional Catholic values on Irish society during the 1980s. The main sources used are the archives of the Departments of Justice and Health.

‘Lemass's brainchild’: the 1966 Informal Committee on the Constitution and change in Ireland, 1965–73

Sean Lemass remains an enigmatic figure in the study of contemporary Ireland. He became taoiseach in 1959, after a long and successful career in the leadership of Fianna Fail. Notwithstanding this, he is widely associated with the transformation of Irish life that began under his stewardship between 1959 and 1966. In 1966, he convened the Informal Committee on the Constitution, often considered to be the most surprising initiative of his career. While change had not occurred by the time he died in 1971, the constitution had by this time become the focus for discussion, controversy and in some cases vilification. The questions this article seeks to answer are why Lemass promoted constitutional change and what were the consequences of this decision. More generally, it will assess the nature of constitutional change in a stable democratic state that is undergoing modernisation.

The origins of contemporary Ireland: new perspectives on the recent past

1 The conference was held at University College Dublin and was jointly organised by the U.C.D. School of History and Archives and the Department of Politics, University of Glasgow. 2 See Fintan O’Toole, Meanwhile back at the ranch: the politics of Irish beef (London, 1995); Stephen Collins, The power game: Fianna Fáil since Lemass (Dublin, 2000); Justin O’Brien, The arms trial (Dublin, 2000); Brian Nolan, Philip J. O’Connell and Christopher T. Whelan (eds), Bust to boom? The Irish experience of growth and inequality (Dublin, 2000). 3 Space and the unavailability of potential contributors excluded important topics, including the impact of television and membership of the E.E.C. 4 Roy Foster, Luck and the Irish (London, 2007), p. 3. 5 Arthur Marwick, The nature of history (London, 1970), p. 242; nor did the passage of time lead to a re-evaluation of these views: idem., The new nature of history (London, 2001). The origins of contemporary Ireland: new perspectives on the recent past