Brian S. Krueger

Assessing the Potential of Internet Political Participation in the United States A Resource Approach

An emerging scholarly consensus asserts that patterns of Internet political participation will merely imitate the established patterns of participatory inequality in the United States. Because those from advantaged backgrounds access the medium at higher rates, the opportunities to participate via the Internet should disproportionately extend to high-resource individuals. I argue that the focus on access has important theoretical limitations. If one accepts the future possibility of near-equal access, then explorations of the Internet’s participatory potential should include theoretical guidance about what types of individuals would most likely participate if equal Internet access were achieved. Drawing on diverse literature, two expectations develop; one predicts the reinforcement of existing participation patterns, and the other suggests a change in those patterns to include new types of individuals. I empirically test these competing claims, concluding that given equalized access, the Internet shows genuine potential to bring new individuals into the political process.

An assessment of generalizability of Internet surveys

The Internet has become an increasingly popular form of data collection because it permits complex questionnaires to be administered more quickly, flexibly, and inexpensively than conventional survey methods. However, the Internet is restricted to individuals with access to computer networks. Thus, causal inferences to the general population from analyses of Internet samples necessarily rest on two untested assumptions: (a) that the decision-making processes of Internet users are similar to those used by the general population, and (b) that representative samples of Internet users can be drawn. The authors provide mixed support for these assumptions. They find that current Internet sampling techniques only permit the generation of diverse, not representative, samples. However, comparing samples drawn simultaneously using the Internet and probabilistic telephone methods, the authors demonstrate that the psychological mechanisms underlying common political decisions do not differ between Internet users and the population. They discuss the implications of these findings for future survey research.

Internet data collection

USING THE INTERNET AS A MEDIUM FOR RESEARCH The Data Collection Process Data Collection Opportunities on the Internet Limitations of Internet Data Collection Orientation Organization PRACTICALITIES OF USING THE INTERNET A New Communication Medium Getting Connected to the Internet Online Services Suitable for Data Collection DRAWING SAMPLES ON THE INTERNET Specifying the Target Population Developing a Sample Frame Choosing a Sampling Method Determining the Size of the Sample Implementing Contacting Procedures ADMINISTERING INSTRUMENTS ON THE INTERNET Selecting a Communication Mode Controlling Access Formatting the Instrument Incorporating Stimuli Limiting Item Non-Response Providing Instruction COMPILING RESPONSES ONLINE Inducing Participation Collecting Submissions Authenticating Cases Appraising Responses Concluding Remarks REFERENCES

A Comparison of Conventional and Internet Political Mobilization

The high cost of contacting individuals encourages mobilizing institutions to maximize resources by targeting those most likely to effectively respond, resulting in stimulation of the politically engaged, civically skilled, and socioeconomically advantaged. By dramatically reducing communication costs, the Internet should eliminate the underpinning of this “rational prospecting.” However, because most e-mail addresses are not available in public directories and cultural norms make sending unsolicited e-mail politically risky, individuals generally must provide their e-mail address before receiving e-mail messages from political organizations. Online mobilization campaigns should disproportionately contact those with the political motivation and technical ability to submit their e-mail. The author tests these expectations about online political mobilization using a probability sample survey. Although most of the long-standing determinants of offline political mobilization fail to predict online mobilization, political interest and Internet skills powerfully determine online mobilization. However, because socioeconomic status, civic skills, and political interest directly predict online skills, these factors indirectly influence the likelihood of online mobilization.

Online interactions and social capital: distinguishing between new and existing ties

Some of the earliest and best-known theoretical work on the social implications of the Internet focus on interpersonal interactions with other users met online. However, in part because of the difficulty of measuring the level of interactions with others met online, generalizable empirical research on this topic remains limited. In this study, the authors develop a new approach to measuring the degree of online interactions with those not known offline. Next, they test the relationship between these online social interactions and social capital using a probability sample survey of U.S. residents. Contrary to previous empirical investigations, they find that the level of online interaction with people met on the Internet positively relates to common indicators of social capital, such as generalized trust. Finally, they discuss the implications of these results.

Selective Exposure to Online Foreign News during the Conflict with Iraq

Several observers note that particularly since September 11, 2001, U.S. residents increasingly have used online foreign news sites.Yet currently little is known about the prevalence or determinants of online foreign news usage. This study examines the online foreign news usage of a representative sample of Internet users during the conflict with Iraq. The results indicate that approximately one-fourth of Internet news consumers use foreign sites. Also, by considering the differences in perspective between mainstream domestic news and foreign news and using the notion of selective exposure, the authors generate hypotheses regarding foreign online news usage. After controlling for other theoretically relevant factors, they find that those most opposed to the Bush administration possess the greatest likelihood of supplementing their domestic online news with an online foreign source.

Government Surveillance and Political Participation on the Internet

Although more is probably known about the causes of political participation than any other political behavior, the research program suffers in that it generally assumes citizens operate within an unproblematic surveillance context. This article argues that the growing use of the Internet for political participation and the government’s expanded electronic surveillance capacities make this assumption increasingly dubious. Drawing on Michel Foucault’s insights concerning surveillance and resistance, this article develops empirical hypotheses related to surveillance and Internet political participation. Testing these hypotheses using data derived from a unique probability sample survey of U.S. Internet users, surveillance is shown to influence online political activity. Those who oppose the current administration, and who perceive the government monitors their Internet behavior, participate in politics online at the highest rates. Finally, the implications of these results are discussed.

Government Monitoring and Political Participation in the United States: The Distinct Roles of Anger and Anxiety

The past decade has spurred interest in the potential connection between U.S. government monitoring and political activity. Interestingly, these recent studies demonstrate that rather than chilling political activity, government monitoring in the United States positively associates with political engagement. This article seeks to determine why, for ordinary Americans, government monitoring positively relates to political participation. We argue that the balance of discrete negative emotional reactions to government monitoring provides an answer. We propose that U.S. government monitoring generates more anger than anxiety. Furthermore, we suggest that anger about government monitoring will positively associate with political activity whereas anxiety about monitoring will negatively associate with political engagement. We find support for these hypotheses using data drawn from a unique probability sample survey of U.S. residents. The dominant and discrete reaction of anger about monitoring trumps the less common reaction of anxiety, which leads to a net positive association with political activity.

The Effect of Risk Perceptions on Online Political Participatory Decisions

Abstract Since the emergence of the Internet as an outlet for mass political participation, there has been considerable disagreement over whether political activities can be performed reliably and securely online. In this paper, we consider one aspect of this debate, assessing whether the general public perceives differential risk in participating in political activities occurring on the Internet and in those occurring in traditional media. Using a series of split-sample experiments, we find evidence that the public believes online political activities are more likely to generate adverse consequences than do their offline counterparts. We then demonstrate that risk perceptions are a significant factor in decisions to participate in a variety of online political activities. We conclude by discussing the implications of these findings.

Political Conflict and Public Perceptions of Government Surveillance on the Internet: An Experiment of Online Search Terms

ABSTRACT Despite the well-known theoretical and empirical connection between surveillance and individual behavior, research on political participation in the United States rarely incorporates government surveillance into individual-level empirical models. Using two experiments embedded in a nationally representative survey, this study assesses how the degree and target of conflict associated with political activities influences perceptions of online government surveillance. The principal results suggest that large segments of the public believe that the government likely monitors a range of political activities, although not all forms of political behavior are equally vulnerable. Specifically, political activities with links to violence and legitimate activities in opposition to the presidential administration most influence online surveillance perceptions. The results also demonstrate that approval of the president moderates these perceptions. Nonviolent political activities in conflict with the presidential administration increase online surveillance perceptions for disapprovers of the president but not for approvers. More than anything else, our findings demand the incorporation of government surveillance into empirical studies of U.S. political participation.