Samuel J. Best

An assessment of generalizability of Internet surveys

The Internet has become an increasingly popular form of data collection because it permits complex questionnaires to be administered more quickly, flexibly, and inexpensively than conventional survey methods. However, the Internet is restricted to individuals with access to computer networks. Thus, causal inferences to the general population from analyses of Internet samples necessarily rest on two untested assumptions: (a) that the decision-making processes of Internet users are similar to those used by the general population, and (b) that representative samples of Internet users can be drawn. The authors provide mixed support for these assumptions. They find that current Internet sampling techniques only permit the generation of diverse, not representative, samples. However, comparing samples drawn simultaneously using the Internet and probabilistic telephone methods, the authors demonstrate that the psychological mechanisms underlying common political decisions do not differ between Internet users and the population. They discuss the implications of these findings for future survey research.

Internet data collection

USING THE INTERNET AS A MEDIUM FOR RESEARCH The Data Collection Process Data Collection Opportunities on the Internet Limitations of Internet Data Collection Orientation Organization PRACTICALITIES OF USING THE INTERNET A New Communication Medium Getting Connected to the Internet Online Services Suitable for Data Collection DRAWING SAMPLES ON THE INTERNET Specifying the Target Population Developing a Sample Frame Choosing a Sampling Method Determining the Size of the Sample Implementing Contacting Procedures ADMINISTERING INSTRUMENTS ON THE INTERNET Selecting a Communication Mode Controlling Access Formatting the Instrument Incorporating Stimuli Limiting Item Non-Response Providing Instruction COMPILING RESPONSES ONLINE Inducing Participation Collecting Submissions Authenticating Cases Appraising Responses Concluding Remarks REFERENCES

Online interactions and social capital: distinguishing between new and existing ties

Some of the earliest and best-known theoretical work on the social implications of the Internet focus on interpersonal interactions with other users met online. However, in part because of the difficulty of measuring the level of interactions with others met online, generalizable empirical research on this topic remains limited. In this study, the authors develop a new approach to measuring the degree of online interactions with those not known offline. Next, they test the relationship between these online social interactions and social capital using a probability sample survey of U.S. residents. Contrary to previous empirical investigations, they find that the level of online interaction with people met on the Internet positively relates to common indicators of social capital, such as generalized trust. Finally, they discuss the implications of these results.

Selective Exposure to Online Foreign News during the Conflict with Iraq

Several observers note that particularly since September 11, 2001, U.S. residents increasingly have used online foreign news sites.Yet currently little is known about the prevalence or determinants of online foreign news usage. This study examines the online foreign news usage of a representative sample of Internet users during the conflict with Iraq. The results indicate that approximately one-fourth of Internet news consumers use foreign sites. Also, by considering the differences in perspective between mainstream domestic news and foreign news and using the notion of selective exposure, the authors generate hypotheses regarding foreign online news usage. After controlling for other theoretically relevant factors, they find that those most opposed to the Bush administration possess the greatest likelihood of supplementing their domestic online news with an online foreign source.

Government Monitoring and Political Participation in the United States: The Distinct Roles of Anger and Anxiety

The past decade has spurred interest in the potential connection between U.S. government monitoring and political activity. Interestingly, these recent studies demonstrate that rather than chilling political activity, government monitoring in the United States positively associates with political engagement. This article seeks to determine why, for ordinary Americans, government monitoring positively relates to political participation. We argue that the balance of discrete negative emotional reactions to government monitoring provides an answer. We propose that U.S. government monitoring generates more anger than anxiety. Furthermore, we suggest that anger about government monitoring will positively associate with political activity whereas anxiety about monitoring will negatively associate with political engagement. We find support for these hypotheses using data drawn from a unique probability sample survey of U.S. residents. The dominant and discrete reaction of anger about monitoring trumps the less common reaction of anxiety, which leads to a net positive association with political activity.

The Effect of Risk Perceptions on Online Political Participatory Decisions

Abstract Since the emergence of the Internet as an outlet for mass political participation, there has been considerable disagreement over whether political activities can be performed reliably and securely online. In this paper, we consider one aspect of this debate, assessing whether the general public perceives differential risk in participating in political activities occurring on the Internet and in those occurring in traditional media. Using a series of split-sample experiments, we find evidence that the public believes online political activities are more likely to generate adverse consequences than do their offline counterparts. We then demonstrate that risk perceptions are a significant factor in decisions to participate in a variety of online political activities. We conclude by discussing the implications of these findings.

Owning Valence Issues: The Impact of a “Culture of Corruption” on the 2006 Midterm Elections

The 109th Congress commenced with a huge ethical cloud hanging over the Capitol. In January 2005, prominent Washington lobbyist Jack Abramoff admitted conspiring to defraud Native American tribes and corrupt public officials. As a result, the Democratic Party chose to adopt corruption as a central theme of their 2006 congressional campaign. They argued that the scandal resulted from a “culture of corruption” fostered by Republicans, who controlled Congress. Although past research shows that voters do punish at the polls congressional incumbents under criminal investigation, little is known about whether the mere appearance of wrongdoing can be assigned to an entire party and cost its candidates votes. Utilizing data from a variety of sources, we find that systemic efforts by House Democratic leaders to frame Republicans as “owning” the scandal—whether individual members actually received Abramoff funds or not—were largely successful in the polls and at the ballot box. These findings suggest that scholarly views of the influence of corruption may have been overly restrictive and that voters are willing, at least in this case, to punish public officials who “appear” to be corrupt.

Political Conflict and Public Perceptions of Government Surveillance on the Internet: An Experiment of Online Search Terms

ABSTRACT Despite the well-known theoretical and empirical connection between surveillance and individual behavior, research on political participation in the United States rarely incorporates government surveillance into individual-level empirical models. Using two experiments embedded in a nationally representative survey, this study assesses how the degree and target of conflict associated with political activities influences perceptions of online government surveillance. The principal results suggest that large segments of the public believe that the government likely monitors a range of political activities, although not all forms of political behavior are equally vulnerable. Specifically, political activities with links to violence and legitimate activities in opposition to the presidential administration most influence online surveillance perceptions. The results also demonstrate that approval of the president moderates these perceptions. Nonviolent political activities in conflict with the presidential administration increase online surveillance perceptions for disapprovers of the president but not for approvers. More than anything else, our findings demand the incorporation of government surveillance into empirical studies of U.S. political participation.