Chris Rudd

Global political marketing

Innehall: 1. Global Political Marketing by Jennifer Lees-Marshment 2. A Framework for Comparing Political Market-Orientation by Jesper Stromback 3. Political Marketing in Germany by Michaela Maier, Jens Tenscher & Kirsten Schuller 4. Political Market-Orientation in a Multi-Party System: The Swedish Case by Jesper Stromback 5.New Zealand Political marketing: marketing communication rather than the product? Jennifer Lees-Marshment 6. Australian Political Marketing: Substance backed by style by Andrew Hughes and Stephen Dann 7. Political Marketing in the United States: From Market- Towards Sales-Orientation? Jonathan Knuckey 8. UK Political marketing: a question of leadership? Jennifer Lees-Marshment and Robin Pettitt 9. The Level Of Market-Orientation Of Political Parties In Greece Danis Kotzaivazoglou and Yiorgos Zotos 10. Political Salesmen in Hungary Balazs Kiss and Zsuzsanna Mihalyffy 11.The Czech Case: Social Democratic Or Social Market Party? Anna Matuskova, Otto Eibl and Alexander Braun 12. Testing the Market Orientated Model of political parties in a non-western context: The case of Taiwan Dafydd Fell and Isabelle Cheng 13. Political Marketing in Ghana Kobby Mensah 14. Political Marketing in a weak democracy: the Peruvian case Pedro Patron Galindo 15.Political Marketing Techniques in Russia Derek Hutcheson 16. Political market orientation in Japan Masahiko Asano and Bryce Wakefield 17. Implementing and interpreting market orientation in practice: lessons from Britain Roger Mortimore and Mark Gill 18. Political marketing, party behaviour and political science Mick Temple 19. Global Political Marketing: Analysis and Conclusions Jennifer Lees-Marshment, Chris Rudd and Jesper Stromback

Minor Parties and Media Coverage During the 2005 New Zealand Election

Following the 2005 election, a number of minor parties claimed that their poor performance on election night was due in part to the coverage their campaigns had received in the media. This article examines the validity of these claims through an analysis of the extent and type of coverage received by ACT, United Future, New Zealand First and the Greens in the four metropolitan newspapers. The article concludes that newspapers follow a particular media logic when covering election campaigns. Such a logic does not necessarily disadvantage small parties. Minor parties can attract considerable media attention where they - or their leaders in particular - are involved in crucial electorate contests and/or where the coalition intentions of the party are not pre-determined. However, such coverage tends to be ‘game-based’ coverage - ‘who’s winning?’, ‘who’s losing?’, ‘who are you going into coalition with?’. And there is no guarantee that this coverage will be favourable - even if it is ‘fair’.

Media Takeover or Media Intrusion? Modernisation, The Media and Political Communications in New Zealand

To what extent does media logic influence political communication in New Zealand? In seeking an answer to this question, this article investigates the significance of the ‘modernisation’ process in New Zealand in the latter half of the twentieth century. It considers the impact of the process on political communication strategies and marketing techniques, especially during election time. The impact of commercialization on the media, particularly journalists’ perceptions of their roles within the media-journalism relationship, is also examined. The conclusion is that media intrusion is evident but not a media takeover of political communication.

The Coverage of Post-War Election Campaigns: the Otago Daily Times

The paper examines the coverage of election campaigns by the Otago Daily Times for the period 1946-2002. Four aspects of campaign coverage are addressed: the degree of partisanship of editorials, and party balance in news stories and their placement; the presidentialisation of coverage; the relative shares of ‘game’ and substance stories; and the extent to which coverage is national rather than local in focus. The paper finds clear evidence of a decline in both partisanship of editorials since the 1970s and balanced party coverage in other news stories across the whole period. There has been an increase in stories devoted to party leaders and the horse-race and hoopla aspects of the campaign. There has also been an increase in nationally focused stories. However, there remains substantial coverage of parties and their policies, and during the 1990s there was evidence of an increase in local and regionally focused stories. Overall, readers of the Otago Daily Times have significant opportunity to become ‘informed’ voters.

Debating New Zealand’s foreign relations: the role and impact of the University of Otago Foreign Policy School 1966–1976

ABSTRACT For over half a century, the internationally recognised University of Otago Foreign Policy School has annually drawn together a mix of government officials, diplomats, academics, students and members of the general public to discuss issues of international significance. This article considers the establishment of the Foreign Policy School, and analyses its impact on the formulation and implementation of foreign policy between 1966 and 1976. Michelle Hale Williams’ conceptual model is employed to assess the School’s influence on public and political debate. It is argued the School’s influence was directly and most clearly evident at what Williams defines as the agendas and institutional levels. There was a gradual but definite shift in New Zealand’s foreign policy outlook between the mid-1960s and mid-1970s, which is reflected in questions raised and discussed by the School. Public engagement with foreign policy questions, in which the School played an enabling role, was also transformed in the course of this period. The School rapidly became an important forum for foreign policy discussions between groups that had previously had little interaction. This article shows that, while it generated few concrete results at the level of policy, the School certainly played a part in helping to foster a national world-view that was increasingly based on New Zealand values and interests, paving the way for the emergence of a more independent foreign policy.

Flexibility in the New Zealand labour market: national or sectional interest?

The notion is explored that the New Zealand Employment Contracts Act of 1991 was designed to serve the national interest. A hypothesis is proposed that the legislation is perceived in two different ways. It is suggested that some see the act as a method of increasing economic efficiency and furthering the national interest, whereas others interpret the act as a means of supporting sectional interest: that of employers. The hypothesis is tested by several investigations of a data set that consists of a survey of labour market participants in Dunedin on the eve of the passage of the legislation. The findings support the hypothesis and the results are discussed with reference to future implications.

Young People and Trade Union Membership: An International Comparative Study

This paper attempts to test the recent British Industrial Relations model of trade union membership by an examination of a survey of early school-leavers in Dunedin, New Zealand which was carried out in October 1989. The findings offer strong support for the model because the same distinct strands of core motivation and remainder attitudes were evident. This demonstrates that the model could be successfully applied in a different institutional, cultural and economic context. The major cross-national differences to emerge were that most Dunedin youngsters intended to join a union; for them, collective instrumental reasons were very important and values of little significance. Furthermore, there was little evidence of disinterest or ignorance amongst the minority which was negative towards trade union membership. A recent article on trade union membership (Cregan and Johnston, 1990) suggested that conventional neoclassical theories are flawed by the free rider paradox, whereby a rational individual will not bear the costs of joining a union to gain rewards that are available to all the workforce as public goods. It proposed that the dilemma could only be solved by a membership theory which takes into account several different sources of individual motivation drawn from several disciplines. These were identified in a longitudinal survey of London early school-leavers, 1979–1981, in reasons given by young people for their membership decision, positive or negative, from which employees could be categorised in social movement parlance as core and remainder. However, the authors proposed that further direct investigations should be made in different contexts. For example, it may be that some responses were culturally or institutionally specific, or were based on economic context. Accordingly, a similar survey of a single cohort of early school-leavers was carried out ten years later in Dunedin, New Zealand. The aim of this paper, therefore, is to test the validity of the framework of the model within a different national context. The article will be organised in the following way. First, a brief summary of the Industrial Relations model of trade union membership will be presented and two hypotheses will be drawn from it. Second, the latter will be tested by a discussion of the results of the Dunedin survey and a comparison with those of the London survey. Third, implications of the findings for the consequences of the 1991 Employment Contracts Act will be briefly examined.