Christopher Isike

Marginalising women in politics: Recent trends in KwaZulu-Natal

This paper examines trends in the political marginalisation of women in KwaZulu-Natal between 1994 and 2004. South Africas political representation of women has been increasing significantly since 1994. KwaZulu-Natal has just over 25% female representation in provincial governance, an enviable percentage compared to world figures. This paper examines the quality of that representation to discover how effectively this 25% has addressed the concerns of the regions women, especially rural African women, and what sociocultural notions have hampered their political participation and thus escalated their socioeconomic marginalisation. Looking at primary and secondary data from interviews with women in rural KwaZulu-Natal and in public decision-making structures, and with female and male political science students at the University of KwaZulu-Natal, the paper finds that politics is still masculinised, and poverty by implication remains feminised.

The Discordant Soft Power Tunes of South Africa’s Withdrawal from the ICC

South Africa’s decision to withdraw from the International Criminal Court (ICC) elicited a mixed bag of responses. However, irrespective of whether one supports the decision or not, it is evident t...

A Failing Regional Power? Nigeria’s International Status in the Age of Boko Haram

ABSTRACT Given its population size, economic strength, military capability and foreign policy directions, in past years Nigeria has been considered a major regional power in Africa. Clearly, this makes the country relevant at international and global levels. However, its status as a regional power on the continent is increasingly being affected as a result of the notorious terrorist activities of Boko Haram. Once a major contributor to peacekeeping operations in Africa and the rest of the world, Nigeria found itself relying on the support of other African states, including smaller ones, to fight Boko Haram. Furthermore, a huge number of Nigerians are now refugees across West Africa, especially in Chad Republic, Niger Republic and Cameroon. In view of this development, this article analyses the implications of Boko Haram terrorism for Nigeria’s contemporary status in the international arena. The authors argue that the instability created by the terrorist group and the government’s failure to deal with it decisively and timeously dents Nigeria’s credibility and legitimacy to assert its influence at sub-regional and regional levels.

The Decline of a Dominant African Political Party: The Case and Future of South Africa’s African National Congress (ANC)

This paper investigates increasing claims that the ANC as South Africa’s dominant party is losing its popularity and facing political decline. This is against the backdrop of growing disenchantment with the ruling party over a series of corruption cases, perceived poor service delivery and mal-governance characterizing the Jacob Zuma-led government. However, it is argued in this paper that there are no clear signs of the ANC losing the 2019 elections. Nevertheless, the party risks disintegration – as experience shows in other countries – if it does not effectively address issues relating to corruption, mal-governance and factionalism. The study is based on a careful reading of qualitative data from secondary sources including previous studies in journal articles and books, credible newspaper and magazine reports and institutional documents.

Reporting Africa: The Role of the Media in (Un)Shaping Democratic Agenda

This chapter uses a content analysis of headlines and the “African news” sections of national newspapers of five African states, one from each of the five subregions, and a focus group discussion with six Nigerian journalists to contextualize the role of the African media in (un)shaping perception about the continent. The chapter argues that the bleak picture of the continent that the African media peddles through its overwhelming emphasis on negative news and subjective reportage of the activities of African governments to its national and international publics serve largely to water the seeds of internal discord and Afro-pessimism. It can therefore be argued that the African mass media has continued to contribute to the pessimistic imaging of Africa through its one-sided reportage of the continent. This has far-reaching consequences for not only democratic sustenance but also Africa’s human and economic development. The chapter suggests that in view of the power that communication wields over matters of political and economic development and the media’s role in this equation, the African mass media needs to awaken to the obligation of partnering with government to set and nurture societal goals and aspirations, articulating a shared vision of progress for both the state and the continent.

South Africa’s foreign policy aspirations and the National Development Plan (NDP 2030): the role of soft power

ABSTRACT Chapter 7 of the NDP 2030 articulates a foreign policy vision for South Africa over two decades. While the NDP acknowledges the place of ‘soft power’ in realising this vision, it remains doubtful whether South Africa will indeed take advantage of the enormous gains offered by soft power as a foreign policy lever. This paper examines the role of soft power in achieving the foreign policy mandates prescribed in the Plan. It argues that, like other regional powers such as China, South Africa needs to pay more attention to its soft power attributes if it is to fast-track the successful implementation of its foreign policy ambitions for 2030. We conclude that sustaining South Africa’s rising position and influence in the international system and in Africa, will largely depend on its ability to consciously adjust its foreign policy trajectories – in the long term – in tandem with its soft power resources and competences.

Women, Inclusiveness and Participatory Governance in Nigeria’s Niger Delta: A Focus on Shell’s Model of Community Development in the Region

Abstract This paper analyzed the influence of adaptive collaborative governance on women’s inclusion and participation in governance in the Niger Delta of Nigeria with focus on Shell Petroleum Development Company (SPDC’s) community development model; the Global Memorandum of Understanding (GMoU). It used the inclusiveness, governance and transparency scores in Shell’s internal evaluation (SCOTDI) of 19 active GMoU clusters in the Niger Delta as indices to measure the performances of 10 selected clusters viz-a-viz their inclusion of women in their governance structures and processes. The 10 supervisory NGOs of these clusters were also interviewed in a Focus Group Discussion (FGD). The data generated from the SCOTDI evaluation and FGD was qualitatively analyzed in line with the objectives of the paper and the findings presented and discussed accordingly. A key finding showed governance improved with women’s inclusion in decision-making. Although challenges around the quality of women’s representation persist, the paper concludes that the GMoU has potential for mediating the governance and development challenges the Niger Delta faces.