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Dive into the research topics where Olusola Ogunnubi is active.

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Journal of Political Studies | 2015

Recalibrating Africa's Geo-Political Calculus: A Critique of South Africa's Hegemonic Status

Olusola Ogunnubi

Abstract This article critiques the increasing claims in scholarly and diplomatic circles of a putative South African hegemony in Africa. On the backdrop of the recalibration of Nigerias GDP making it Africas largest economy, there have been counter arguments that South Africas regional influence is dwindling as a result of its staggering economy among other domestic impediments. In this paper, I take the position that although South Africas capacity to fulfil a hegemonic role may be hindered by internal and external ambivalences, these factors do not in any way disqualify the country from playing a hegemonic role. I conclude by making the assertion that our regional understanding of hegemony in the African context must be one that operates beyond the realm of the preponderant material capabilities of a state into reasonable measures of ideational characteristics.


Politikon | 2017

The Discordant Soft Power Tunes of South Africa’s Withdrawal from the ICC

Christopher Isike; Olusola Ogunnubi

South Africa’s decision to withdraw from the International Criminal Court (ICC) elicited a mixed bag of responses. However, irrespective of whether one supports the decision or not, it is evident t...


Politeia | 2016

South Africa's soft power: a comparative content analysis

Olusola Ogunnubi

There is an emergent literature on South Africa’s soft power. In comparison with other African nations, South Africa possesses enormous soft power assets that it could wield to gain international benefits. However, paradoxically, there is little analysis of the nexus between soft power and South Africa’s foreign policy, suggesting a lack of interest among local and international scholars. In light of this reality, this article provides a critique of the current soft power literature relating to South Africa from a comparative perspective. It explores scholars’ different conceptions of soft power and the debates on South Africa’s soft power. The article identifies three strands of Pretoria’s soft power literature and notes that more needs to be done to grapple with the idea of soft power in order to deepen the country’s use of its soft power competences. It concludes by pointing out the role of the intelligentsia and other non-state actors in assisting state agencies to grasp the utility of soft power as foreign policy leverage.


African Security | 2016

South Africa’s Emerging “Soft Power” Influence in Africa and Its Impending Limitations: Will the Giant Be Able to Weather the Storm?

Olusola Ogunnubi; Olumuyiwa Babatunde Amao

ABSTRACT South Africa benefits from a symbolic hegemonic identity drawn from its enormous soft power resources. Whereas South Africa has been widely referenced as a regional hegemonic power capable of using its soft power influence to deepen its global status, there are contradictions to Pretoria’s increasing soft power claim. In this article we undertake a discursive analysis of some of these soft power limitations. The main argument raised is that despite the optimism, South Africa’s capacity to translate soft power into influence has been largely undercut by several factors, including its recurring xenophobic incidences and leadership inconsistencies toward Africa. We conclude by asserting that South Africa can indeed continue to punch above its weight if it begins to address the ambivalence that confronts the expression of its soft power resources.


Journal of Economics and Behavioral Studies | 2018

[South] Africa’s Health System and Human Rights: A Critical African Perspective

Kgothatso Shai; Olusola Ogunnubi

For more than two decades, 21st March has been canonised and celebrated among South Africans as Human Rights Day. Earmarked by the newly democratic and inclusive South Africa, it commemorates the Sharpeville and Langa massacres. As history recorded, on the 21st March 1960, residents of Sharpeville and subsequently, Langa embarked on a peaceful anti-pass campaign led by the African National Congress (ANC) breakaway party, the Pan Africanist Congress of Azania (PAC). The pass (also known as dompas) was one of the most despised symbols of apartheid; a system declared internationally as a crime against humanity. In the post-apartheid era, it is expectedthat all South Africans enjoy and celebrate the full extent of their human rights. However, it appears that the envisaged rights are not equally enjoyed by all. This is because widening inequalities in the health-care system, in schooling, and in the lucrative sporting arena have not been amicably and irrevocably resolved. Furthermore, it is still the norm that the most vulnerable of South Africans, especially rural Africans, find it difficult, and sometimes, impossible to access adequate and even essential healthcare services. Central to the possible questions to emerge from this discourse are the following(i) What is the current state of South Africa’s health system at the turn of 23 years of its majority rule? (ii) Why is the South African health system still unable to sufficiently deliver the socioeconomic health rights of most South African people? It is against this background that this article uses a critical discourse analysis approach in its broadest form to provide a nuanced Afrocentric assessment of South Africa’s human rights record in the health sector since the year 1994. Data for this article is generated through the review of the cauldron of published and unpublished academic, official and popular literature.


Strategic Analysis | 2017

Framing South Africa’s Soft Power through Non-State Sources

Olusola Ogunnubi; Oluwaseun Tella

Abstract South Africa arguably stands well above its regional counterparts in terms of soft power resources. This is not entirely unconnected with the uncalculated attempts by non-state actors to extend the reach of the country’s soft power status across the world. This article probes the contributions of the informal drivers of South Africa’s soft power. These ‘soft powered’ institutions and individuals (with no definite state affiliation) are critical contributors to South Africa’s soft power diplomacy. The country’s soft power is in part driven by the unintended outcome of the actions of a wide variety of non-state actors including civil society, the media, iconic individual personalities and multinational corporate entities. The article argues that South Africa can realise its greater foreign policy ambition and cement a benevolent hegemonic profile in Africa by focusing on specific roles that its informal soft power sources can play. Therefore, as an emerging power, South Africa is well placed to harness the substance inherent in its soft power instruments and resources by paying attention to these unofficial soft power sources but also strategically fine-tuning the same with official policy goals in subtly achieving Pretoria’s ambitions as a key player in international political discourse.


Politikon | 2017

A Failing Regional Power? Nigeria’s International Status in the Age of Boko Haram

Olusola Ogunnubi; Hakeem Onapajo; Christopher Isike

ABSTRACT Given its population size, economic strength, military capability and foreign policy directions, in past years Nigeria has been considered a major regional power in Africa. Clearly, this makes the country relevant at international and global levels. However, its status as a regional power on the continent is increasingly being affected as a result of the notorious terrorist activities of Boko Haram. Once a major contributor to peacekeeping operations in Africa and the rest of the world, Nigeria found itself relying on the support of other African states, including smaller ones, to fight Boko Haram. Furthermore, a huge number of Nigerians are now refugees across West Africa, especially in Chad Republic, Niger Republic and Cameroon. In view of this development, this article analyses the implications of Boko Haram terrorism for Nigeria’s contemporary status in the international arena. The authors argue that the instability created by the terrorist group and the government’s failure to deal with it decisively and timeously dents Nigeria’s credibility and legitimacy to assert its influence at sub-regional and regional levels.


Communicatio | 2016

Communicating South Africa’s soft power: Agents, instruments and recipients

Olusola Ogunnubi; Dorcas Ettang

ABSTRACT New scholarly literature that focuses on the currency of soft power is emerging in the analysis of South Africa’s foreign policy. This nascent strand of discourse seeks to capture the nexus between the ideational value of soft power and Pretoria’s foreign policy. Despite pockets of literature in this regard, there has been little analysis of the communicative settings and adaptations of soft power in the South African context. Within this analytical context, this article aims to contribute to existing discourse on South Africa’s soft power by probing the agents, sources and subjects involved in its cultivation and unpacking the links between these communicative environments. These issues are critical, given the recent emphasis on the role and utility of soft power for achieving South Africa’s foreign policy ambitions. The article stresses that, in the long term, the deepening of South Africa’s soft power capability and influence will depend largely on the extent of the strategic calibration between the communicative realms of actors, instruments and recipients.


Journal of Contemporary African Studies | 2017

South Africa’s foreign policy aspirations and the National Development Plan (NDP 2030): the role of soft power

Christopher Isike; Olusola Ogunnubi

ABSTRACT Chapter 7 of the NDP 2030 articulates a foreign policy vision for South Africa over two decades. While the NDP acknowledges the place of ‘soft power’ in realising this vision, it remains doubtful whether South Africa will indeed take advantage of the enormous gains offered by soft power as a foreign policy lever. This paper examines the role of soft power in achieving the foreign policy mandates prescribed in the Plan. It argues that, like other regional powers such as China, South Africa needs to pay more attention to its soft power attributes if it is to fast-track the successful implementation of its foreign policy ambitions for 2030. We conclude that sustaining South Africa’s rising position and influence in the international system and in Africa, will largely depend on its ability to consciously adjust its foreign policy trajectories – in the long term – in tandem with its soft power resources and competences.


Journal of Asian and African Studies | 2017

Effective Hegemonic Influence in Africa: An Analysis of Nigeria’s ‘Hegemonic’ Position

Olusola Ogunnubi

This paper examines the utility of the hegemonic stability theory in understanding regional power dynamics within Africa. The study operationalizes the concept of regional hegemony by drawing insights from a comparative foreign policy analysis of African regional powers, with emphasis on Nigeria. Using a largely qualitative methodology supplemented with primary data, the paper examines the underlying assertions of Nigeria’s perceived ‘hegemonic’ influence. Through the use of the hegemonic stability theory as a theoretical lens, this paper argues that Nigeria’s foreign policy shows few signs of a continental hegemonic disposition. In applying this theory at a regional level of analysis, the study finds very little empirical evidence that it fits the African regional context. In short, hegemonic claims in Africa are mere (un)official rhetoric and lack substance.

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Oluwaseun Tella

University of KwaZulu-Natal

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Dorcas Ettang

University of KwaZulu-Natal

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Sizo Nkala

University of KwaZulu-Natal

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