David W. Lovell

Trust and the politics of postcommunism

Abstract The citizens of postcommunist states have relatively low levels of trust in their basic political institutions. This paper argues that to consolidate the advances towards civil society and democracy particular attention must be paid to strengthening trust. Trust requires not just the institutional framework appropriate to democracy and the rule of law — already substantially in place — but also an appreciation of politics and civil society as spheres of continuing diversity, competition and conflict. The deficit of trust can be addressed by a leadership exemplary in its service to the public interest, and by an acceptance of the new, adversarial politics.

Asia-Pacific Security: Policy Challenges

This work examines the developing strategic relationships in the Asia-Pacific region, and clarifies the dilemmas for Australian policy makers as they try to balance genuine engagement with the region against a long-standing and valued alliance with the United States.

The transition : evaluating the postcommunist experience

Introduction - Making sense of the transition from communism, David W. Lovell Democratization and the development of civil society, David W. Lovell State-transformation and postcommunist democratization, Ulrika Jerre Direct democracy in postcommunist states - institutions and experiences since 1989, Michael B tzer Corruption, trust, and the danger to democratization in the former Soviet Union, Donald Bowser Political culture in contemporary Russia - trapped between glory and guilt, Andreas Langenohl Between two historic models of modernization - the case of Azerbaijan, Etibar Najafov Building capitalism in Poland - some paradoxes, Maria Nawojczyk German democracy and its East German discontents, Uta L. Schaub Conclusion - The transition as a return to Europe, David W. Lovell and Heinz-Ewe Haus.

Lying and Politics

Popular dissatisfaction with politics and politicians in liberal democracies seems to be a phenomenon of increasing interest but disputed significance. Such dissatisfaction is comprised of a range of discontents, including disappointment that a preferred candidate or party was not elected to office; opposition to particular government decisions; outrage at so-called ‘broken promises’; and claims that some or all politicians have engaged in inappropriate behaviour to gain, retain or benefit from public office. The suspicion that politicians lie is an unmistakable element in this amorphous compound of dissatisfaction, and the one on which this chapter focuses. I do not propose to hazard whether on account of popular dissatisfaction generally politics is now in crisis (though, like Goot,1 I doubt it), but rather to isolate and examine the validity and weight of the charge of lying itself.

Reflections on the European Legacy (from the Plains of Anatolia)

Turkeys insistence on its European credentials, and its endeavours to join the European Union, provide an opportunity to reflect on what the European legacy means. While acknowledging the diverse contributors to Europe, and the extensive interactions with the rest of the world that have shaped European history and identity, this essay locates Europes most important legacy—and measure—in the realm of ideas, especially the ideas we use to organise our experience and approach the challenges of the world. These ideas came to fruition in the Enlightenment, and they provide an approach that is potentially liberating for peoples but uncomfortable for those with power, and those that aspire to power, including within Europe itself. The challenge for Turkey is to recognise that the EU is not necessarily the last word on ‘Europe,’ while continuing to engage creatively with the European legacy.

Democracy Promotion as Foreign Policy: Some Cautionary Reflections

Activities by one state to promote democracy in another are now more visible and systematic than they have ever been. Numerous governments, international organizations and private associations spend billions of dollars to build, deepen and defend democracy around the world. Promoting democracy elsewhere forms the centre piece of the foreign policies of the United States and the European Union, and is used to justify a wide range of actions, from election observation to education of public officials, but also includes the controversial 2003 US invasion and subsequent occupation of Iraq. To judge from the rhetoric, promoting democracy elsewhere has become a guiding theme both of the foreign policies of liberal democracies and of international relations more generally.This article draws chiefly on the experiences of the United States and the European Union — the two most important democracy promoters. It suggests that the prominence given to promoting democracy elsewhere as part of the foreign policies of liberal democracies tends to diminish the challenges of democratization and has the potential to exacerbate international tensions, bring democracy itself into disrepute, and diminish the role of traditional diplomacy in managing differences between states.

Marx and the French revolution: François Furet, with selections from Karl Marx, ed. and intro. Lucien Calvié; trans. Deborah Kan Furet (Chicago: The University of Chicago Press, 1989), xi + 239 pp.,

(1990). Marx and the French revolution. History of European Ideas: Vol. 12, No. 6, pp. 859-860.