Dawisson Belém Lopes

Coordenação intragovernamental para a implementação da política externa brasileira: o caso do Fórum IBAS

This study evaluates the organizational mechanisms and structures adopted by the Brazilian Ministry of Foreign Affairs (Itamaraty) to promote the coordination of domestic government actors for implementing the guidelines of the IBSA Forum (India, Brazil, and South Africa), created in 2003. After reviewing some of the factors that have led Itamaraty to lose its traditional insulation, the authors classify the mechanisms for intra-governmental coordination and analyze its dynamics, focusing special attention on the 16 thematic working groups created to ensure the achievement of IBSAs objectives. In the final remarks, the authors question Itamaratys purported loss of capacity for intra-governmental coordination.

A ONU tem autoridade? Um exercício de contabilidade política (1945-2006)

In this article we attempt to evaluate the current status of UNs political authority, by way of both qualitative and quantitative methods, as we posit the existence of a positive relation between UNs authority and a set of variables. After assessing data, we intend to generate debate on the limits and the ontological nature of the United Nations organization in contemporary international politics, as we support the hypothesis that the degree of political authority the UN is vested with is increasing in the course of the last six decades.

Da razão de estado ao republicanismo mitigado: uma narrativa Faoriana sobre a produção da Política Externa Brasileira

El objetivo de este articulo es discutir como la idea y la praxis de autonomia en la politica exterior brasilena se relacionan con las posiciones del pais en los procesos de integracion regional en el Cono Sur y, de forma mas amplia, en Sudamerica, en el periodo de 1991 a 2012. Discutimos el significado de autonomia en terminos de politicas brasilenas para la region, bien como las consecuencias que tiene para sus propios procesos y para las organizaciones subcontinentales. Identificamos los cambios y las continuidades en la idea de autonomia y de que modo incide o no en la consolidacion de las organizaciones, particular-mente, el Mercosur y la Unasur. A partir del analisis de la literatura pertinente y de documentacion primaria, concluimos que hay ambiguedades, pero que la tendencia que prevalece es la del interes por el fortalecimiento de la cooperacion e incluso de la integracion. El interes por el fortalecimiento de la democracia y de la paz surgen como centrales en el periodo analizado.

When Foreign Policy Meets Social Demands in Latin America

In order to introduce this special issue of Contexto Internacional, we first seek to provide a panoramic understanding of the Latin American political landscape. Next, we consider the new (and not so new) development strategies adopted by Latin American states, and their implications for foreign policy and international relations. Following this, we offer a brief review of the literature on Latin American foreign policy analysis and some of the theoretical and methodological challenges facing the study of Latin American international relations, thus providing a context for a deeper understanding of the contributions to this special issue. Put differently, our objective is to provide readers with a general idea of the reasons why foreign policy has met, should have met, or has been expected to meet social demands in contemporary Latin America.

Does participation generate democratization? Analysis of social participation by institutional means in Argentine, Brazilian and Uruguayan foreign policies

ABSTRACT The article questions if the participation of civil society actors in foreign policy making would lead to the democratization of foreign policy processes. The analysis is based on the comparison of three foreign policy participatory initiatives – the Civil Society Consultative Council, the Social and Participative Mercosur Programme and the Dialogue and Consultation System – which currently take place in Argentina, Brazil and Uruguay, respectively. The hypothesis to be tested is that participatory institutions modify representation in foreign policy by breaking with the monopoly of the diplomatic bureaucracy in foreign policy making on regional integration. For that, we develop a comprehensive model based on social participation indicators and assess the specifics of each participatory initiative by mobilizing documental sources and conducting face-to-face interviews with key actors for each initiative. We ultimately find that the democratic nature is rather correlated with the institutional design adopted by the participatory initiative under scrutiny.

Diplomacy as an Independent Variable

A few years ago, I was commissioned by a Dutch publisher to compose a short biography of Rubens Ricupero for an editorial project on former secretaries-general of international organizations (). This offered me the chance to interview this scholarly, polite, and sober character with an impressive career within both domestic and global bureaucracies. It is difficult not to be charmed by his personality. Therefore, like Homer’s Ulysses, I confess I had to tie myself to the mast so as not [...]

Polyarchies, competitive oligarchies or inclusive hegemonies? A comparison of 23 global intergovernmental organizations based on Robert Dahl’s political theory

Abstract In this article, I assume that global intergovernmental organizations (GIGOs) function as enablers of interstate liberal politics by way of their multilateral institutional frameworks. To support this view, I recall and adapt the classical concept of ‘polyarchy,’ coined in the early 1950s by Robert A. Dahl. It consists of a two‐dimensional theoretical construct applicable for measuring the level of liberalization in modern political societies. It follows that the more actors who take part in politics, and the more such institutions allow political opposition, the more open a society (of states) is likely to be. I therefore assess and rate the level of polyarchization of 23 GIGOs that cover various issue areas and fit some specific criteria (for example, more than one hundred member states from at least three different continents). Methodology includes a scorecard developed to help achieve these research objectives.AbstractIn this article, I assume that global intergovernmental organizations (GIGOs) function as enablers of interstate liberal politics by way of their multilateral institutional frameworks. To support this view, I recall and adapt the classical concept of ‘polyarchy,’ coined in the early 1950s by Robert A. Dahl. It consists of a two‐dimensional theoretical construct applicable for measuring the level of liberalization in modern political societies. It follows that the more actors who take part in politics, and the more such institutions allow political opposition, the more open a society (of states) is likely to be. I therefore assess and rate the level of polyarchization of 23 GIGOs that cover various issue areas and fit some specific criteria (for example, more than one hundred member states from at least three different continents). Methodology includes a scorecard developed to help achieve these research objectives.

Polyarchies, Competitive Oligarchies, or Inclusive Hegemonies? 23 Global Intergovernmental Organizations Compared

In this paper, I assume that global intergovernmental organizations (GIGOs) function as “enablers” of interstate liberal politics by way of their multilateral institutional frame-works. To support this view, I recall and adapt the classical concept of “polyarchy,” coined in the early 1950s by Robert A. Dahl. It consists of a two-dimensional theoretical construct applicable for measuring the level of liberalization in modern political societies. It follows that the more actors who take part in politics, and the more that institutions allow political opposition, the more open a society (of states) is likely to be. I thus wish to assess and rate the level of “polyarchization” of 23 GIGOs that cover various issue areas and fit some specific criteria (for example, more than one hundred member states from at least three different continents). The methodology section includes a scorecard that I have specially developed to help achieve these research objectives.

De la razón de estado al republicanismo mitigado: una narrativa Faoriana sobre la producción de la política exterior brasileña

El objetivo de este articulo es discutir como la idea y la praxis de autonomia en la politica exterior brasilena se relacionan con las posiciones del pais en los procesos de integracion regional en el Cono Sur y, de forma mas amplia, en Sudamerica, en el periodo de 1991 a 2012. Discutimos el significado de autonomia en terminos de politicas brasilenas para la region, bien como las consecuencias que tiene para sus propios procesos y para las organizaciones subcontinentales. Identificamos los cambios y las continuidades en la idea de autonomia y de que modo incide o no en la consolidacion de las organizaciones, particular-mente, el Mercosur y la Unasur. A partir del analisis de la literatura pertinente y de documentacion primaria, concluimos que hay ambiguedades, pero que la tendencia que prevalece es la del interes por el fortalecimiento de la cooperacion e incluso de la integracion. El interes por el fortalecimiento de la democracia y de la paz surgen como centrales en el periodo analizado.

From raison d'état to mitigated republicanism: a narrative of the production of Brazilian foreign policy inspired by Raymundo Faoro

El objetivo de este articulo es discutir como la idea y la praxis de autonomia en la politica exterior brasilena se relacionan con las posiciones del pais en los procesos de integracion regional en el Cono Sur y, de forma mas amplia, en Sudamerica, en el periodo de 1991 a 2012. Discutimos el significado de autonomia en terminos de politicas brasilenas para la region, bien como las consecuencias que tiene para sus propios procesos y para las organizaciones subcontinentales. Identificamos los cambios y las continuidades en la idea de autonomia y de que modo incide o no en la consolidacion de las organizaciones, particular-mente, el Mercosur y la Unasur. A partir del analisis de la literatura pertinente y de documentacion primaria, concluimos que hay ambiguedades, pero que la tendencia que prevalece es la del interes por el fortalecimiento de la cooperacion e incluso de la integracion. El interes por el fortalecimiento de la democracia y de la paz surgen como centrales en el periodo analizado.