Fátima Juárez

The Impact of Women's Education on Fertility In Latin America: Searching for Explanations

Education influences womens childbearing patterns. Data from Demographic and Health Surveys (DHS) for nine Latin American countries show that women with no education have large families of 6-7 children while better educated women have only 2-3 children. However despite this wide differential in actual fertility between the two groups of women women across the education level spectrum share a small family norm. A 20-50% gap in contraceptive prevalence exists between the least educated and best educated women. Better educated women have broader knowledge higher socioeconomic status and less fatalistic attitudes toward reproduction than do less educated women. The results of a regression analysis indicate that cognitive economic and attitudinal assets mediate the influence of schooling upon reproductive behavior and partly explain the wide fertility gap between educational strata.

Social stigma and disclosure about induced abortion: results from an exploratory study.

It is well recognised that unsafe abortions have significant implications for womens physical health; however, womens perceptions and experiences with abortion-related stigma and disclosure about abortion are not well understood. This paper examines the presence and intensity of abortion stigma in five countries, and seeks to understand how stigma is perceived and experienced by women who terminate an unintended pregnancy and influences her subsequent disclosure behaviours. The paper is based upon focus groups and semi-structured in-depth interviews conducted with women and men in Mexico, Nigeria, Pakistan, Peru and the United States (USA) in 2006. The stigma of abortion was perceived similarly in both legally liberal and restrictive settings although it was more evident in countries where abortion is highly restricted. Personal accounts of experienced stigma were limited, although participants cited numerous social consequences of having an abortion. Abortion-related stigma played an important role in disclosure of individual abortion behaviour.

Uso del condón entre adolescentes mexicanos para la prevención de las infecciones de transmisión sexual

Objective. To investigate the current sexual behavior and condom use during the first sexual intercourse among adolescents, as well as variations and factors influencing condom use at first sexual intercourse. Material and Methods. The data source for this study was Mexico’s National Health Survey 2000. Study subjects were male and female adolescents aged 12 to 19 years (n=16,258). Statistical analysis consisted of descriptive statistics and multivariate logistic regression, to assess the association of four types of factors (demographic, socioeconomic, cultural, and cognitive) with condom use during the first sexual intercourse. Results. Males and residents of urban areas reported greater sexual activity and condom use. Typically, adolescents who used condoms during the first sexual intercourse were male, older, resided in urban areas, non-speakers of an indigenous language, and with higher schooling. Conclusions. New policies should be framed to prevent sexually transmitted infections to span the gap between knowledge and practice, targeting adolescents starting sexual activity earlier, those who speak an indigenous language, living in rural areas, with less schooling, and females. The English version of this paper is available too at: http://www.insp.mx/salud/index.html

Estimates of induced abortion in Mexico: what's changed between 1990 and 2006?

CONTEXT In Mexico, where abortion remains largely illegal and clandestine, reliable data on induced abortion and related morbidity are critical for informing policies and programs. The only available national estimate of abortion is for 1990, and demographic and socioeconomic changes since then have likely affected abortion incidence. METHODS This study used official statistics on women treated for abortion-related complications in public hospitals in 2006 and data from a survey of informed health professionals. Indirect estimation techniques were used to calculate national and regional abortion measures, which were compared with 1990 estimates. RESULTS In 2006, an estimated 150,000 women were treated for induced abortion complications in public-sector hospitals, and one in every 5.8 women having an induced abortion were estimated to have received such treatment. The estimated total number of induced abortions in 2006 was 875,000, and the abortion rate was 33 per 1,000 women aged 15-44. Between 1990 and 2006, the abortion rate increased by 33% (from a rate of 25). The severity of morbidity due to unsafe abortion declined (as seen in shorter hospital stays), but the annual rate of hospitalization did not-it was 5.4 per 1,000 women in 1990 and 5.7 in 2006. The abortion rate was similar to the national average in three regions (34-36), but substantially lower in one (25 in the South/East region). CONCLUSIONS Clandestine abortion continues to negatively affect womens health in Mexico. Recommended responses include broadening the legal criteria for abortion throughout Mexico, improving contraceptive and postabortion services, and expanding training in the provision of safe abortion, including medical abortion.

The Incidence of Induced Abortion in the Philippines: Current Level and Recent Trends

CONTEXT In the Philippines, abortion is legally restricted. Nevertheless, many women obtain abortions--often in unsafe conditions--to avoid unplanned births. In 1994, the estimated abortion rate was 25 per 1,000 women per year; no further research on abortion incidence has been conducted in the Philippines. METHODS Data from 1,658 hospitals were used to estimate abortion incidence in 2000 and to assess trends between 1994 and 2000, nationally and by region. An indirect estimation methodology was used to calculate the total number of women hospitalized for complications of induced abortion in 2000 (averaged data for 1999-2001), the total number of women having abortions and the rate of induced abortion. RESULTS In 2000, an estimated 78,900 women were hospitalized for postabortion care, 473,400 women had abortions and the abortion rate was 27 per 1,000 women aged 15-44 per year. The national abortion rate changed little between 1994 and 2000; however, large increases occurred in metropolitan Manila (from 41 to 52) and Visayas (from 11 to 17). The proportions of unplanned births and unintended pregnancies increased substantially in Manila, and the use of traditional contraceptive methods increased in Manila and Visayas. CONCLUSION The increase in the level of induced abortion seen in some areas may reflect the difficulties women experience in obtaining modern contraceptives as a result of social and political constraints that affect health care provision. Policies and programs regarding both postabortion care and contraceptive services need improvement.

Factors Associated with Abortion‐Seeking and Obtaining a Safe Abortion in Ghana

Although Ghanas abortion law is fairly liberal, unsafe abortion and its consequences remain among the largest contributors to maternal mortality in the country. This study analyzes data from the 2007 Ghana Maternal Health Survey to identify the sociodemographic profiles of women who seek to induce abortion and those who are able to obtain safe abortion services. We hypothesize that women who have access to safe abortion will not be distributed randomly across different social groups in Ghana; rather, access will be influenced by social and economic factors. The results confirm this hypothesis and reveal that the women who are most vulnerable to unsafe abortions are younger, poorer, and lack partner support. The study concludes with policy recommendations for improving access to safe abortion for all subgroups of women, especially the most vulnerable.

Managing unplanned pregnancies in five countries: Perspectives on contraception and abortion decisions

Why is induced abortion common in environments in which modern contraception is readily available? This study analyses qualitative data collected from focus group discussions and in-depth interviews with women and men from low-income areas in five countries – the United States, Nigeria, Pakistan, Peru and Mexico – to better understand how couples manage their pregnancy risk. Across all settings, women and men rarely weigh the advantages and disadvantages of contraception and abortion before beginning a sexual relationship or engaging in sexual intercourse. Contraception is viewed independently of abortion, and the two are linked only when the former is invoked as a preferred means to avoiding repeat abortion. For women, contraceptive methods are viewed as suspect because of perceived side effects, while abortion experience, often at significant personal risk to them, raises the spectre of social stigma and motivates better practice of contraception. In all settings, male partners figure importantly in pregnancy decisions and management. Although there are inherent study limitations of small sample sizes, the narratives reveal psychosocial barriers to effective contraceptive use and identify nodal points in pregnancy decision-making that can structure future investigations.

The cost of postabortion care and legal abortion in Colombia.

CONTEXT Although Colombia partially liberalized its abortion law in 2006, many abortions continue to occur outside the law and result in complications. Assessing the costs to the health care system of safe, legal abortions and of treating complications of unsafe, illegal abortions has important policy implications. METHODS The Post-Abortion Care Costing Methodology was used to produce estimates of direct and indirect costs of postabortion care and direct costs of legal abortions in Colombia. Data on estimated costs were obtained through structured interviews with key informants at a randomly selected sample of facilities that provide abortion-related care, including 25 public and private secondary and tertiary facilities and five primary-level private facilities that provide specialized reproductive health services. RESULTS The median direct cost of treating a woman with abortion complications ranged from

Youth Migration and Transitions to Adulthood in Developing Countries

44 to

Sexual Practices of Latin America and the Caribbean

141 (in U.S. dollars), representing an annual direct cost to the health system of about