Forrest D. Colburn
City University of New York
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Journal of Democracy | 2012
Forrest D. Colburn; S Arturo Cruz
Scholarship on populism has focused on the ways in which charismatic leaders trade economic benefits for political support and their ability to smother political institutions. But the Nicaraguan case suggests that attention should also be given to the other end of the polity—namely, the absence in the general population of a democratic culture that offers needed support for political institutions. In Nicaragua, the scarcity of informed, engaged, and exacting citizens—participants in politics—is an important part of the explanation for the persistence of personalism and populism.
Journal of Democracy | 2009
Forrest D. Colburn
On 15 March 2009, Mauricio Funes, the candidate of the Farabundo Martí National Liberation Front (FMLN)–a former guerrilla movement that laid down its arms in 1992 and reconstituted itself as a political party–won the presidential election in El Salvador, marking the countrys first peaceful turnover of power since the nation-state became independent in 1821. But sweeping social and political change will probably be elusive; instead, political and economic constraints are apt to lead to a surprising continuity in public policy.
Dissent | 2009
Forrest D. Colburn
The countries of Latin America remain highly susceptible to international political and economic trends. Since 2002, the region has prospered: growth has been close to 6 percent per year—the highest since the 1970s, and far above the lackluster, long-run average of 3 percent. This growth spurt is traced in large part to a bonanza: high international prices for commodities. But credit must also be given to governors who have pursued sober macroeconomic policies. To date the region has navigated the shoals of the concomitant weakening of its most important trading partner—the United States—and the mess in the international credit market. Still, the boom from robust commodities prices, in everything from oil to copper to soybeans, raises unsettling questions.
Dissent | 2017
Forrest D. Colburn
In 1998, many North American and European intellectuals hailed the emergence of a new Latin American left when Hugo Chávez ascended to the presidency of Venezuela. Foreign intellectuals who hailed the coming of a new left in Latin America were deceived by rhetoric and wishful thinking. In none of these three countries did governments initiate new democratic structures or novel forms of citizen participation. Neither did they reorganize their economies or find new ways of generating wealth to benefit the poor majority.
Journal of Democracy | 2014
Forrest D. Colburn; S Arturo Cruz
Salvadorans went to the polls on 2 February 2014 to select a new president. With current president Mauricio Funes of the Farabundo Martí National Liberation Front (FMLN) ineligible to run (El Salvador’s constitution prohibits consecutive presidential terms), voters were left to choose among Vice-President Salvador Sánchez Cerén of the FMLN and former San Salvador mayor Norman Quijano of the National Republican Alliance (known as Arena). In an extremely close runoff on March 9, Sánchez Cerén managed to eke out a win against Quijano with 50.1 percent of the vote. The runoff results suggest that El Salvador still remains deeply divided two decades after the end of its civil war. Now Sánchez Cerén must govern a country beset by a feeble economy and rampant violence.
PS Political Science & Politics | 2012
Forrest D. Colburn; Norman Uphoff
Words should be chosen and used carefully so that they convey the meaning or meanings that you intend—and do not convey any unintended or double meanings. Writing should leave little ambiguity or uncertainty about what you are referring to—unless some purposeful ambiguity is desired. Sometimes words that are abstract or superficial may be chosen to suit the writer’s purpose. For example, there is a long tradition of euphemistic writing. But such use of words should be well-considered and deliberate, not the result of carelessness or indifference. Good writing is done with what is called ‘an economy of language,’ using a minimum of words to convey one’s meaning and purpose, avoiding complex sentence structure and also ornate, archaic or flowery language. Parsimony is a principle prized not only in the natural sciences. It is also a good criterion for social science and any other writing. Choice ofwords—which is referred to as diction, hence theword dictionary—is the most important single aspect of good writing. Words should be selected purposefully, with clear reference to things observable or with a clear connection to the accepted language of discourse in your discipline or professional circles. In formal writing, such as in a term paper or thesis, avoid colloquial or slang expressions. Also, avoid contractions; these are acceptable in spoken English, but in formal writing they are appropriate only when reporting dialogue. Also, formal writing is usually in the third person, which minimizes first-person or second-person pronouns. In any language, writing, like speech, can have several different levels (or degrees) of formality or informality. A very important part of effective communication is having a good ear, or a good sense, for what is the appropriate level or degree of formality (informality) for any particular communication.
Political Psychology | 1995
James Chowning Davies; Forrest D. Colburn
In the aftermath of World War II, a surprisingly large number of poor countries were upset by revolution: Vietnam, China, Cuba, Algeria, Ethiopia, Cambodia, Mozambique, Angola, Afghanistan, Iran, and Nicaragua. Revolutionaries in these geographically and culturally disparate countries came to power through different routes, but once in power they had remarkably similar ideas about how to remake their states and societies. In this analysis of the course of these revolutions, the author suggests that shared institutional and policy choices of revolutionary elites arose from a fashionable political imagination. Paradoxically, in an era marked by the demise of European colonialism, it was Europeans - mainly Marx, Engels, and Lenin - who supplied the vision of what could replace colonialism. Colburn traces the diffusion of this intoxicating political imagination not to the Soviet Union, but instead to Western Europe and North America, where socialism was rarely more than political fantasy. In Latin America, the Middle East, Africa, and Asia, this imagination inspired revolution, but more importantly led to sadly flawed ideas about how to eliminate poverty and inequality. The vogue for revolution in poor countries withered away in a descent accelerated, but not initiated, by the East European events of 1989-1991. This lucid book clarifies why so many countries were so profoundly wrecked in the frenzied pursuit of a dreamt-up world.
Archive | 1994
Forrest D. Colburn
Archive | 2002
Forrest D. Colburn
Journal of Democracy | 2012
Abdou Filali-Ansary; Alfred Stepan; Forrest D. Colburn; Arturo Cruz; Ernesto Calvo; M. Victoria