Fred Valdez

Cacao usage by the earliest Maya civilization.

The Maya archaeological site at Colha in northern Belize, Central America, has yielded several spouted ceramic vessels that contain residues from the preparation of food and beverages. Here we analyse dry residue samples by using high-performance liquid chromatography coupled to atmospheric-pressure chemical-ionization mass spectrometry, and show that chocolate (Theobroma cacao) was consumed by the Preclassic Maya as early as 600 bc, pushing back the earliest chemical evidence of cacao use by some 1,000 years. Our application of this new and highly sensitive analytical technique could be extended to the identification of other ancient foods and beverages.

Temple mountains, sacred lakes, and fertile fields: ancient Maya landscapes in northwestern Belize

Forty-three years later these words still ring true, but are too seldom followed (Fedick 1996). For several years, we have been engaged in a multidisciplinary programme of research in northwestern Belize and neighbouring areas of Guatemala, eliciting a comprehensive, integrated picture of changing ancient Maya landscapes (Scarborough & Dunning 1996; Valdez et al. 1997). Our goals include a reconstructive correlation of environmental and cultural history, including the relationship between changes in water and land management and political economic organization. This work is still in progress and our understanding is far from complete (Dunning & Scarborough 1997).

Water and sustainable land use at the ancient tropical city of Tikal, Guatemala

The access to water and the engineered landscapes accommodating its collection and allocation are pivotal issues for assessing sustainability. Recent mapping, sediment coring, and formal excavation at Tikal, Guatemala, have markedly expanded our understanding of ancient Maya water and land use. Among the landscape and engineering feats identified are the largest ancient dam identified in the Maya area of Central America; the posited manner by which reservoir waters were released; construction of a cofferdam for dredging the largest reservoir at Tikal; the presence of ancient springs linked to the initial colonization of Tikal; the use of sand filtration to cleanse water entering reservoirs; a switching station that facilitated seasonal filling and release; and the deepest rock-cut canal segment in the Maya Lowlands. These engineering achievements were integrated into a system that sustained the urban complex through deep time, and they have implications for sustainable construction and use of water management systems in tropical forest settings worldwide.

Preceramic Occupations in Belize: Updating the Paleoindian and Archaic Record

Evidence from preceramic Paleoindian and Archaic time periods in Belize has been recorded over the past quarter of a cen tury by a number of projects. This paper summarizes previously published information and presents new archaeological data in bringing the hunting-and-gathering and itinerant horticultural millennia of this region into a more accurate and comprehensive perspective than has been presented to date. The Paleoindian period includes influences from North as well as South America, with settlement preferences shown for river valleys and near-coastal margins. Cave sites hold particu lar promise for yielding new and well-preserved remains from this early period. The Archaic, beginning as early as 8000 B. C, is poorly dated until 3400 B. C. and was probably characterized by mobile hunter-foragers. The Late Archaic includes two facets, the Early (3400-1900 B.C.) and the Late (1500-900 B.C.) Preceramic, and represents the first appearance and gradual spread of cultivation together with habitat modification. The period beginning around 1500 B.C. shows intensify ing maize cultivation, apparently mobile populations, and also the emergence of well-defined stone tool traditions that trend into the early Middle Preclassic. Ceramics seem to appear unevenly from ca. 1200 to 900 B. C, when the Cunil and Kanocha complexes in western Belize and Swasey sphere in northern Belize are reported.

Additional Considerations for Prehispanic Saltmaking in Belize

A recently described set of ceramic artifacts have been functionally assigned to saltmaking by MacKinnon and Kepecs (1989), who concluded that saltmaking activity was focused on producing salt for commoners. While we are in agreement about saltmaking activities along the Belizean coast, we propose that saltmaking there perhaps was oriented toward meat and fish preservation for transport into interior population centers during the Terminal Classic period.

Forests, fields, and the edge of sustainability at the ancient Maya city of Tikal

Significance The rise of complex societies and sustainable land use associated with urban centers has been a major focus for anthropologists, geographers, and ecologists. Here we present a quantitative assessment of the agricultural, agroforestry, and water management strategies of the inhabitants of the prominent ancient Maya city of Tikal, and how their land use practices effectively sustained a low-density urban population for many centuries. Our findings also reveal, however, that the productive landscape surrounding Tikal, managed to the brink of its carrying capacity during the Late Classic period, did not have the resilience to withstand the droughts of the 9th century. These results offer essential insights that address the question of why some cities thrive while others decline. Tikal has long been viewed as one of the leading polities of the ancient Maya realm, yet how the city was able to maintain its substantial population in the midst of a tropical forest environment has been a topic of unresolved debate among researchers for decades. We present ecological, paleoethnobotanical, hydraulic, remote sensing, edaphic, and isotopic evidence that reveals how the Late Classic Maya at Tikal practiced intensive forms of agriculture (including irrigation, terrace construction, arboriculture, household gardens, and short fallow swidden) coupled with carefully controlled agroforestry and a complex system of water retention and redistribution. Empirical evidence is presented to demonstrate that this assiduously managed anthropogenic ecosystem of the Classic period Maya was a landscape optimized in a way that provided sustenance to a relatively large population in a preindustrial, low-density urban community. This landscape productivity optimization, however, came with a heavy cost of reduced environmental resiliency and a complete reliance on consistent annual rainfall. Recent speleothem data collected from regional caves showed that persistent episodes of unusually low rainfall were prevalent in the mid-9th century A.D., a time period that coincides strikingly with the abandonment of Tikal and the erection of its last dated monument in A.D. 869. The intensified resource management strategy used at Tikal—already operating at the landscape’s carrying capacity—ceased to provide adequate food, fuel, and drinking water for the Late Classic populace in the face of extended periods of drought. As a result, social disorder and abandonment ensued.

An Alternative Order: The Dualistic Economies of the Ancient Maya

Harkening back to the debates associated with “dualistic economies” in addressing emerging nation states, we examine aspects of the ancient economy of the lowland Maya. Resource-specialized communities were knit together in a network of interdependencies that allowed high degrees of self-sustaining separation from the large monumental centers about which we know most. The social and biophysical environs of the ancient Maya permitted multiple economic spheres that influenced their political organization and affected their lack of developed hegemonic controls. Evidence is presented from the present-day ecological set aside of the Programme for Belize in northwestern Belize.

Droughts as random events in the Maya lowlands

Abstract Because the values of most of the parameters controlling the occurrence and severity of a drought in a given location are unknown, and no periodicity has been observed, droughts can be considered random events. Running a random number generator within the limits of the annual rainfall variability relevant to the Maya lowlands, and defining a “Lean Year”, it is observed that strings of lean years occur quite frequently. Defining “Severe Drought”, “Disaster”, and “Catastrophe” based on the length of these strings, it is observed that a severe drought occurs on average every 32 years, a disaster occurs on average every 130 years, and a catastrophe on average every 500 years. These values fit the measured variability of the Yucatan climate, as observed in lake core sediments and in the post conquest written records. It also fits the average occurrence of “megadroughts” in the US Great Plains. The fit between the random occurrence model and the actual, “measured” occurrence of droughts supports the notion that for all practical purposes, droughts had been random events in the Maya region and could not be predicted. The lack of evident periodicity could be one of the reasons why means for long-term storage of food products were not developed there. It may also have affected the relationship between the priesthood and the general populace in that region. Since the method described here can be applied to any climatic region once the rainfall variability and the sensitivity of the local agriculture are known or can be estimated, if similar results are found they may probably have affected other regions with other ancient cultures in a similar way.

Relationships between Early Preclassic and Early Middle Preclassic Phases in Northern Belize: A Comment on “Lowland Maya Archaeology at the Crossroads”

In a recent paper, Marcus (1983) provides a timely synthesis of the rapidly accumulating body of data from various projects in the Maya Lowlands. One of the specific problems discussed by Marcus is that of temporal and cultural definition of the Swasey phase at the sites of Cuello and Colha, and its relationship to other early components. Our comment presents new data from Colha that were not available to Marcus. These data have significantly expanded our understanding of the earliest occupations at the site and have important implications ,for intersite comparisons.

‘Mayacene’ floodplain and wetland formation in the Rio Bravo Watershed of northwestern Belize

This is the first article to characterize the soil and fluvial geomorphology of the Rio Bravo’s fluviokarst watershed in the Rio Bravo Conservation and Management Area, northwestern Belize. Although the watershed has had little-altered tropical forest cover since c. 1000 BP, humans inhabited it for millennia, especially during the Maya Preclassic and Classic, c. 3000–1000 BP. We studied soils and floodplain formation in four excavation transects in the Rio Bravo to understand long-term human impacts on this watershed. Archaic to Preclassic (c. 3000–1700 BP) sedimentation rates ranged from 0.82 mm yr−1 at Chawak But’o’ob to 1.5 mm yr−1 on the Gran Cacao floodplain. The late Preclassic through Classic (c. 2300–1000 BP) rates rose 0.98–2.03 mm yr−1, and the Classic (c. 1700–1000 BP) rates ranged from 1 mm yr−1 to as high as 9.12 and 16.27 mm yr−1 at ancient Maya wetland field sites. Post Classic rates dropped back in the one dated profile, and the well-developed topsoils indicate long-term surface stability. Older soils at the edges and higher islands of the valley had more vertic features and full Vertisols, whereas Vertic Mollisols and Aquerts have formed in younger sediments. We also present new evidence for late Classic Maya wetland field formation at Chawak But’o’ob, which shows field raising with canalization in this wetland of low ionic water. All the soil profiles with dating and stable carbon isotope evidence exhibited increased δ13C in the profiles through the Classic period sediments, although some were equivocal. The two wetland field δ13C profiles through the Classic period sediments increase by c. 6‰ at Chawak But’o’ob and 3‰ at the Birds of Paradise (BOP) Field center, although earlier BOP profiles increased by as much as 7‰. Hence, this watershed exhibits three large diachronic shifts: from lower to higher and again to lower deposition over pre-Maya, Maya, and post-Maya times. These changes along with earlier evidence for ancient intensive agriculture from 3000 and 1000 BP lie sandwiched between the ancient and contemporary little-altered tropical forest.