Geert Booij

Yearbook of Morphology

Articles James P. Blevins / Word-based declensions in Estonian Hans-Olav Enger / Do affixes have meanings? Janet Grijzenhout and Martina Penke / On the interaction of phonology and morphology in German Andrew Koontz-Garboden / On the typology of state/change of state alternations Christian Lehmann / Pleonasm and hypercharacterization Mary Paster / Pulaar verbal extension and phonologically driven affix order Andrea Sims / Declension hopping in dialectal Croatian: Two predictions of frequency Gregory T. Stump / Referrals and morphemes in Sora verb inflection Discussion: Paradigm Function Morphology Andrew Carstairs-McCarthy / Affixes, stems and allomorphic conditioning in Paradigm Function Morphology Gregory T. Stump / Some criticism of Carstairs-McCarthys conclusions Book notices Peter Arkadiev / Paul Boucher (ed.), Many Morphologies Claudio Iacobini / Pierre Corbin (ed.), Lexique 16 Geert Booij / Laurie Bauer, A Glossary of Morphology Geert Booij / Piet van Sterkenburg (ed.), Linguistics Today - Facing a Greater Challenge Book information Proceedings of the 4th Mediterranean Morphology Meeting, Catania, 21-23 September 2004

Against split morphology

The traditional distinction between inflection and derivation has been widely discussed in the morphological literature (cf. Plank 1981, Anderson 1982, 1988a,b; 1992, Bybee 1985, Watters 1985, Scalise 1986, Badecker and Caramazza 1989, Dressler 1989). Anderson argues for a separation of derivation and inflection in the grammar, where inflection is delimited from derivation by the following definition:

Syllable structure assignment in Polish

This study deals with syllable structure in Polish. The central theme is the question of when and how syllabification rules apply in the lexical phonology of Polish. In § i we lay the ground for our subsequent discussion by giving the basic syllable patterns of Polish. We also propose here a first version of the syllabification algorithm for Polish. In §2 we show that syllabification applies cyclically, because certain cyciic phonological rules make crucial use of information about the prosodic structure of their potential inputs. § 3 then shows that the syllabification algorithm has to apply both before and after the application of cyclic phonological rules on one cycle, and that syllabification is therefore a continuous process. In § we argue that the syllabification algorithm proposed in § i must be modified to enable us to predict whether a high [-consonantal] segment will surface as a vowel or as a glide. Since the distinction between vowels and glides is crucial for the application of certain cyclic phonological rules of Polish, this again shows that syllabification has to apply cyclically. § defends the hypothesis that resyllabification is restricted to Coda Erasure (and the subsequent syllabification of the desyllabified consonants). Again, the (un)predictability of the vowel/glide distinction plays a crucial role here. We summarise our conclusions in §6

Constructional idioms, morphology, and the Dutch lexicon

Syntactic constructions may form an alternative to, or compete with the morphological expression of semantic and grammatical content. This applies to the passive forms of verbs, the progressive form, analytic causatives, adjective-noun sequences, and particle verbs in Dutch. In this article I develop a view of the Dutch lexicon in which this interaction between syntax and morphology can be understood. The central notion used is that of the constructional idiom, a construction with a (partially) non-compositional meaning, of which not all terminal elements are fixed. These constructional idioms, like morphological word formation, serve to extend the fund of expressions that are available for concatenation in the syntax.

Edge of constituent effects in Polish

Abundant violations of the Sonority Sequencing Generalization in Polish are studied from the perspective of prosodic phonology. We argue that word-initial and non-word-initial extrasyllabic consonants play distinct roles in the operation of phonological rules. We further claim that they are integrated prosodically by linking to the phonological word node and that this is done at different stages of derivation. Transparency of extrasyllabic consonants is also investigated.We are indebted to Michael Kenstowicz for his enlightening criticism and valuable suggestions as to the organization of this article. We are also grateful to the three anonymous reviewers for their comments that have led to the improvement of both the content and the form of this study.

A grid theory of stress in Polish

Abstract This paper presents a survey of the Polish stress system and explores the theoretical consequences of this system for a number of current issues in phonological theory: the notion ‘extrametricality’; grids versus trees, and principles of eurhythmicity. It is argued that the metrical grid is superior to the metrical tree for the description of stress patterns in Polish words and phrases. This analysis of Polish stress has also consequences for the typology of stress systems. Furthermore, the analysis of stress in Polish compounds substantiates the claim of current prosodic theory that phonological structure need not be isomorphic to morphological structure.

Form and meaning in morphology : the case of Dutch 'agent nouns'

Some morphologists have proposed the separation of form and meaning in morphology because of the lack of a one-to-one correspondence between them. In this paper it is shown that this position is ill-advised since it impedes a deeper insight into the systematics of the interpretation of complex words. This is demonstrated by a detailed study of one affix, the deverbal suffix -er in Dutch, which creates subject names. The apparent polysemy of this suffix appears to follow from independent, nonlinguistic principles.

Inflection and derivation

In morphology, there is a functional distinction between inflection and derivation. Inflection denotes the set of morphological processes that spell out the set of word forms of a lexeme. The choice of the correct form of a lexeme is often dependent on syntactic context. Derivation denotes the set of morphological processes for the creation of new lexemes. The formal correlate of that distinction is that derivational processes apply to stems, whereas inflectional processes turn stems into word forms. Hence, in complex words, inflectional morphemes are peripheral to derivational morphemes. Another formal difference between inflection and derivation is that in inflection, the relation between grammatical properties and their formal expression may be quite complicated, without a one-to-one correspondence between meaning and form. In contrast, in derivation there tends be a one-to-one relationship between meaning and form. Inflection and derivation may also differ as to their mental representation; derivation leads to new entries in the mental lexicon of the language user, whereas inflection may not always do so: regular inflectional forms may be created on line, whereas derived words are usually retrieved from lexical memory.

Allomorphy and the Autonomy of Morphology

This paper discusses the question to what extent morphology is an autonomous module of the grammar. After a general survey and discussion of the issues involved, a detailed analysis is given of allomorphy phenomena. It is argued that these phenomena support the relative autonomy of morphology since the formal regularities involved cannot be deduced from phonological or syntactic principles. In addition, a proper account of these formal regularities requires reference to the form of paradigmatically related words. That is, paradigmatic relations play a crucial role, which is another characteristic property of the morphological module

On the Simultaneity of Morphological and Prosodic Structure

Publisher Summary This chapter discusses the simultaneity of morphological and prosodic structure. The theory of morphology presents that complex words are hierarchically structured and that morphological structures are built from the bottom up. According to this theory, all morphemes have lexical entries that indicate their category and subcategorization, as well as their phonological representations, lexical conceptual structures, and predicate argument structures. Morphemes are put together according to their morphological subcategorization requirements, and hierarchical structure is projected from lexical information and labeled using general principles of X-bar theory and feature percolation. In sum, for the selection of the proper allomorph of both the comparative and the imperative morphemes, it is crucial that both the morphological and the prosodic structuring of the stem be available. These facts thus support the theory of lexical phonology, which claims that phonology and morphology are interspersed. Assuming simultaneity of prosodic and morphological structure allows one to eliminate the notion of “head operation” from morphology, to account simply for several sorts of bracketing paradoxes and to characterize simple clitics in an appropriate way. Finally, by using the notions of morphological and prosodic subcategorization one can arrive at a typology of morphemes that allows one to distinguish clitics from both free morphemes and affixes.