Gissur Ó Erlingsson

Anti-immigrant parties, local presence and electoral success

Abstract Does the local organisational presence of anti-immigrant parties affect their chances for electoral success? In order to answer this question, the article explores the potential of a supply-oriented explanation to anti-immigrant party success by examining the electoral advancements the Sweden Democrats (SD) made in the 2006 and 2010 elections. Our results indicate that traditional demand-side explanations to anti-immigrant party success can be successfully complemented by an ‘internal supply-side argument’ to make the electoral fates of these parties more intelligible. Whether the SD had a local organisational presence had a substantial effect on its results in the national election and on the probability of gaining representation in local councils. Thus, the party’s fate in the national as well as local elections was largely determined by whether or not it had a local organisational presence in Swedish municipalities.

Not so Fair after All? Perceptions of Procedural Fairness and Satisfaction with Democracy in the Nordic Welfare States

The Nordic countries are known for their well-functioning public administrations. In indices measuring control of corruption and the quality of the rule of law, they frequently occupy top positions. However, as we demonstrate in this article, a countrys top position in comparative indices does not automatically imply that citizens view the state of affairs in the same way as depicted by experts. The observation is in no way trivial: Drawing on theories of procedural fairness, we go on to show—statistically, using individual level data—that widespread public perceptions about the unfairness of civil servants may have a negative effect on the legitimacy of the political system even in so-called high-trust and “least corrupt” settings such as the Nordic ones.

How Should Local Government Be Organised? Reflections from a Swedish Perspective

Abstract Two main arguments are presented in this article. First, when alternatives for the future design of local government are debated, a government needs to address two basic issues simultaneously: (a) ‘how big (and hence how many) municipalities ought the political system have?’, and (b) ‘how strong and well secured ought the principle of local self-government be in the constitution?’ Second, by using these two questions as guides for our analysis, we argue that there are instrumental as well as substantial reasons to guarantee a strong local self-government in the constitution. However, such a reform needs to be complemented by a politically neutral body of regulations that, under given conditions, secures geographically concentrated minorities a right to secede. Although we use the Swedish case as the empirical base for the discussion, our analysis has a bearing on recent developments in, for example, the other Nordic countries and England, where amalgamations at the local level have been on the agenda throughout the past decade.

PARTIES IN LOCAL GOVERNMENT: A REVIEW

‘Party decline’ and ‘crisis’ have been a long-standing observation of the state of party politics explaining: how parties have lost touch with their electorates, the concentration of power in a small elite disconnected from rank-and-file members and poor internal party democracy. In a local setting we can expect those indicators of decline to be magnified and in this article, we suggest some lessons which may be learned, for the concept of ‘party decline’, by examining parties in local government. Across Europe, in local government, power has been concentrated in party groups with strong party discipline and important decisions are taken behind closed doors. We maintain that our review, exploring the similar patterns found from research in England and the Nordic countries, generates general insights about the state of parties today, making it reasonable to hypothesise that a general pattern of local party decline across Europe is emerging, and that this has far-reaching consequences for the functioning of local democracy.

Understanding large-scale institutional change: Social conflicts and the politics of Swedish municipal amalgamations, 1952–1974

A remarkable reform in modern Swedish political history was the transformation of the local government structure between 1952 and 1974. In a mere 22 years, the number of municipalities was reduced from 2,498 to 277. This study aims to answer how such large-scale reforms could come about politically, particularly since much of the literature on institutions and political reform asserts that carrying out large-scale political change should be a difficult task. Two opposing stories of institutional change are presented: evolutionary accounts, which see the amalgamations as rational adaptations to changing circumstances, are contrasted with a social conflict perspective, which explains amalgamations in terms of their distributional consequences. By investigating the processes leading up to this vast restructuring of Swedish local political geography, we demonstrate that an understanding of these reforms as rational adaptations to changing circumstances, made on the basis of consensus among leading political actors, is not accurate. The reforms were not as uncontroversial and non-conflictual as they often have been portrayed. Our results weaken the evolutionary approach to institutional change, whilst supporting the social conflict perspective.

Issues on Transparency, Accountability and Control in Hybrid organisations: The Case of Enterprises Owned by Local Government

This study increases our knowledge regarding the challenges of governing hybrid organisations in general and enterprises owned by local government in particular. Therefore, the findings of this study are considered to be of support to politicians as well as civil servants involved in and responsible for the governance of hybrid organisations. We argue that it is important to carefully supervise this development in local government. As corporations owned and operated by local governments have increased in numbers, they are responsible for large values and services that are crucial for the modern society (water, waste management, energy, IT). Consequently, they are becoming ever more important players in their respective local economies. At the same time, concerns have been raised regarding how to govern hybrid organisations in order to secure accountability and to protect public sector values.

Teaching university teachers to become better teachers: the effects of pedagogical training courses at six Swedish universities

ABSTRACT Do pedagogical training courses for university teachers have desirable effects on the participants? We set out to answer this question by following a panel of 183 university teachers from Sweden’s six largest universities, who participated in pedagogical training courses. Our study reveals that the participants’ self-reported confidence in their role as teachers increased slightly, and their self-assessed pedagogical skills increased notably after they had finished their courses. Even though the courses were rather short, we could also observe some changes in fundamental approaches to teaching in some of the subgroups of respondents, both toward more student-centeredness and, perplexingly, toward more teacher-centeredness. Additionally, most respondents (7 out of 10) found the courses useful or very useful. Course satisfaction was most notable among participants with less than three years of teaching experience. Considering the fact that we find the positive effects of pedagogical training courses to be present mainly in the group of participants with less than three years of teaching experience, we discuss whether a policy of making these courses mandatory for all university teachers implies an overestimation of their impact.

Why do councillors quit prematurely? On the democratic consequences of councillors leaving their seats before the end of their terms

In Sweden, one out of six councillors leave council before their term ends, which is often claimed to signal a crisis for democracy. We critically scrutinize this by surveying the motives behind dropping out. The claim may be right if political motives dominate, but if private motives dominate, dropouts do not signal a crisis for democracy. Questionnaires were sent to all premature dropouts from 2002-2006 and 2006-2009 in 13 municipalities. We find that private reasons dominate, and a majority of the respondents report that they enjoyed their time in council. Therefore premature dropouts cannot be claimed to signal a crisis for local democracy. Keywords: • de-recruitment • premature dropouts • local politics • political parties • local government