Gordon Crawford

Democratization in Africa 1990–2010: an assessment

Over two decades have passed since the ‘third wave’ of democratization began to roll across sub-Saharan Africa in the early 1990s. The introduction to this collection provides an overall assessment of the (lack of) progress made in democratization processes in Africa from 1990 to 2010. It highlights seven areas of progress and setbacks: increasingly illegitimate, but ongoing military intervention; regular elections and occasional transfers of power, but realities of democratic rollback and hybrid regimes; democratic institutionalization, but ongoing presidentialism and endemic corruption; the institutionalization of political parties, but widespread ethnic voting and the rise of an exclusionary (and often violent) politics of belonging; increasingly dense civil societies, but local realities of incivility, violence and insecurity; new political freedoms and economic growth, but extensive political controls and uneven development; and the donor communitys mixed commitment to, and at times perverse impact on, democracy promotion. We conclude that steps forward remain greater than reversals and that typically, though not universally, sub-Saharan African countries are more democratic today than in the late 1980s. Simultaneously, we call for more meaningful processes of democratization that aim not only at securing civil and political rights, but also socio-economic rights and the physical security of African citizens.

‘Democratic Consolidation in Ghana: Prospects and Challenges?'

In the light of the successful and peaceful outcome of the December 2008 elections in Ghana, inclusive of the second transfer of power between political parties since the return to democratic rule in 1992, this paper considers whether Ghana can now be regarded as a consolidated democracy. To undertake this assessment, Linz and Stepans multidimensional framework of democratic consolidation is adopted, and their three dimensions and five arenas of democratic consolidation are explored. Findings demonstrate that although significant progress has been made towards democratic consolidation in Ghana, there are aspects of consolidation that remain weak. Thus it would be premature to state that democratic consolidation has been achieved in Ghana. With regard to the prospects for sustained consolidation, the closeness that Ghana came to political violence during the fraught election period is highlighted, indicating a latent threat to future democratic stability. Additionally, a number of constraints and challeng...In the light of the successful and peaceful outcome of the December 2008 elections in Ghana, inclusive of the second transfer of power between political parties since the return to democratic rule in 1992, this paper considers whether Ghana can now be regarded as a consolidated democracy. To undertake this assessment, Linz and Stepans multidimensional framework of democratic consolidation is adopted, and their three dimensions and five arenas of democratic consolidation are explored. Findings demonstrate that although significant progress has been made towards democratic consolidation in Ghana, there are aspects of consolidation that remain weak. Thus it would be premature to state that democratic consolidation has been achieved in Ghana. With regard to the prospects for sustained consolidation, the closeness that Ghana came to political violence during the fraught election period is highlighted, indicating a latent threat to future democratic stability. Additionally, a number of constraints and challenges are identified in various arenas of consolidation, inclusive of the limited policy influence of civil society organizations, the marginalization of women, excessive executive/presidential powers, the adverse impact of external actors on democratic sovereignty, and the implications for democratic sustainability of a continued failure to address gross socio-economic inequalities. Without addressing such issues, Ghanas democratic gains may turn out to be a rather hollow triumph.

‘Making democracy a reality’? The politics of decentralisation and the limits to local democracy in Ghana

Abstract Through a case study of Ghana, this article focuses on the relationship between decentralisation and local democracy. The Ghanaian constitution emphasises decentralisation as the key means to ‘making democracy a reality’, reflecting the view common amongst international development agencies that decentralisation enhances local democracy and leads to more responsive government. This article questions such views and investigates whether decentralisation in Ghana has led to increased political participation at the local level and to downwardly accountable local government. Empirical findings are two-fold. On the one hand, relatively high levels of participation in local democratic processes are indicated. On the other, accountability mechanisms have not been strengthened, with a number of limitations and shortcomings identified at local level that undermine citizens’ attempts to hold local government and their elected representatives to account. Yet, in seeking to explain this delinkage between participation and accountability, such local issues do not provide a full explanation. Attention is thus refocused on the national context, where structural obstacles to devolved government are identified in the form of legal, political, administrative and fiscal constraints. Such obstacles are not easily overcome, however, due to the politics of decentralisation, notably central governments reluctance to relinquish control over its powers. Recent proposals for reform in Ghanas decentralisation system are considered, but political change is unlikely given the built-in advantages to the ruling party, whichever is in power. Without such reforms, though, local democracy is likely to remain more appearance than reality.

EU human rights and democracy promotion in Central Asia: From Lofty principles to Lowly self-interests

Abstract Promoting human rights and democracy is repeatedly stated as a key objective of both EU foreign and development policy, highlighted in the European Consensus on Development (2005) and in the European Security Strategy (2003), as well as in regional strategy documents such as the new Central Asia Strategy (2007). Through a case study of EU activities in Central Asia, this contribution focuses on the interaction between the expression of lofty principles in policy statements and the operation of lowly self-interests in practice. It argues not only that the latter trump the former in a hierarchy of foreign policy objectives, but also that the statements of fine-sounding principles serve simultaneously to legitimise the ongoing ‘co-operation’ with authoritarian and semi-authoritarian rulers. Outcomes thus contradict stated intent, with such regimes more likely to be strengthened than move towards a trajectory of political liberalisation, democratisation and increased respect for human rights. The EU may like to present itself as a normative actor in the world, yet its actions are increasingly those of a realist power, with norms sacrificed to interests. In exploring human rights and democracy promotion in practice in Central Asia, one distinctive element is an empirical analysis of the European Initiative on Democracy and Human Rights (EIDHR) projects in Central Asia (2003–2006).

Decentralisation and struggles for basic rights in Ghana: opportunities and constraints

This article looks at the intersection between decentralisation of government and a human rights-based approach to development as a means of poverty reduction. Although relatively unexplored, a potential synergy is noted between the perceived benefits of decentralisation and the two-pronged strategy of a rights-based approach, underpinned by local democratic politics. Through a case-study of Ghana, this article examines the opportunities and constraints on securing human rights at the local level, notably core socio-economic rights, through engagement with local government. It addresses two key questions: to what extent has decentralisation enabled local rights-holders to make claims for basic rights; and to what extent have local government duty-bearers been able to respond to such claims? The article is based on primary research undertaken in the Northern Region of Ghana. Findings are that the opportunities are outweighed by the constraints. On the one hand, decentralisation has enabled poor communities to make claims for basic rights, often facilitated by NGOs. On the other hand, two crucial shortcomings are highlighted. First, the approaches of rights-promoting NGOs have been restricted to human rights education, with little attempt at securing rights through strategies such as community mobilisation and alliance building. Secondly, the accountability of local government duty-bearers to local citizens is very limited, largely arising from democratic deficits in the national political framework of decentralisation. In concluding, suggestions are made about tackling the constraints and simultaneously strengthening the two-pronged strategy of a rights-based approach in a local context.

Conflict, collusion and corruption in small-scale gold mining: Chinese miners and the state in Ghana

ABSTRACT As gold prices soared from 2008 onwards, tens of thousands of foreign miners, especially from China, entered the small-scale mining sector in Ghana, despite it being ‘reserved for Ghanaian citizens’ by law. A free-for-all ensued in which Ghanaian and Chinese miners engaged in both contestation and collaboration over access to gold, a situation described as ‘out of control’ and a ‘culture of impunity’. Where was the state? This paper addresses the question of how and why pervasive and illicit foreign involvement occurred without earlier state intervention. Findings indicate that the state was not absent. Foreign miners operated with impunity precisely because they were protected by those in authority, that is, public officials, politicians and chiefs, in return for private payments. Explaining why state institutions failed in their responsibilities leads to reflection about the contemporary state in Ghana. It is concluded that the informality and corruption characteristic of neopatrimonialism remains predominant over legal–rational structures, albeit in a form that has adapted to neoliberal restructuring. Public office remains a means of private enrichment rather than public service. Such findings cast a shadow over the state and government in Ghana, and tarnish its celebration as a model of democratic governance for Africa.

Leveraging national and global links for local rights advocacy: WACAM's challenge to the power of transnational gold mining in Ghana

Abstract This article explores local–global interconnections in the context of local rights-based struggles against the adverse impact of gold mining by transnational corporations in Ghana. It examines how a small community-based organisation, WACAM, approached a situation of huge power asymmetry by both mobilising local resistance and developing national and international linkages. In explaining WACAMs relative success in challenging corporate and state powers behind gold mining activities, we focus on its ability to maximise the benefits of alliances with selected organisations, while minimising the risks of doing so through staying locally grounded. This we attribute to WACAMs political orientation to rights advocacy, based in a democratic left political tradition.

Undermining Western democracy promotion in Central Asia: China’s countervailing influences, powers and impact

ABSTRACT This article examines whether and to what extent China’s involvement in Central Asian countries undermines the democracy promotion efforts of the European Union and the United States. Findings confirm that China does indeed challenge Western efforts, but in an indirect way. First, Chinese provision of substantial and unconditional financial assistance makes Western politically conditioned aid appear both ungenerous and an infringement of sovereignty. Second, the Shanghai Co-operation Organisation, inclusive of China’s leadership role, creates an institutional means through which the (semi-)authoritarianism of member states is legitimized and challenges Western emphasis on democracy and human rights. Finally, by the power of its own example, China demonstrates that democracy is not a prerequisite for prosperity, the rule of law and social well-being.

Human Rights and Development: Putting Power and Politics at the Center

Human rights are not primarily technical-legal issues. While much research and debate has revolved around the legal nature of human rights, comparatively little attention has been offered to their political character. Human rights define basic norms, values and interests in human and social life, but they are, at the same time, always secured or denied in political and social contexts of power, and situations of competition over resources. This article reports on a research project that made detailed empirical analyses of how different forms of power constrain human rights activism in six different countries, and examines the construction of countervailing empowerment to challenge such power structures. It argues that more systematic analytical attention should be paid to power and political analysis of human rights in development contexts.

Ghana – Big Man, Big Envelope, Finish: Chinese Corporate Exploitation in Small-Scale Mining

This chapter investigates the activities of a Chinese mining company in the small-scale gold mining sector in a corner of Ghana. It questions the legality of its operations, given that small-scale mining is by law ‘reserved for Ghanaians’, and argues that bribery combined with corruption amongst state officials has enabled the company to operate at the margins of legality with relative impunity. While local opposition to company activities occurred, the local movement was confronted by combined state-corporate power. This case study of a local resource conflict ultimately informs us about the character of the contemporary Ghanaian state and state–business–society relations, highlighting profound changes that have occurred in which the interests of foreign private capital and local political elites are privileged, while those of local people remain marginalised.