Ilkka Ruostetsaari

Nordic Elites in Comparative Perspective

The article compares the Nordic, i.e., Danish, Finnish, Norwegian and Swedish, elite structures based on power studies which were completed in these countries in the 2000s. Despite differences in data collection methods, all of these studies employ the positional approach, and the composition of national elites is defined identically. Moreover, the four Nordic countries are associated with largely common history and political culture. The Nordic elites will be compared on the grounds of three dimensions, i.e. openness of recruitment into the elites, interaction between various elite groups, and interaction between the elites and the people. We will ask in what way the Nordic elite structures have changed as far as these dimensions are concerned and how many elites exist in the Nordic countries, i.e., one power elite or several mutually competitive elites.

Social Upheaval and Transformation of Elite Structures: The Case of Finland

The purpose of this study is to ascertain how certain important changes in Finnish society in the 1990s altered the national elite structures and affected democracy. We examine how the patterns of recruitment, interaction and cohesiveness among the elites changed in the period 1991–2001. The data for the study were drawn mainly from postal surveys conducted among the elites and a sample of the population in 1991 and 2001. The first research task was to establish how recruitment to various elites has altered in terms of social stratification and education. The second was to analyse changes in patterns of interaction between various elites as far as physical contacts and attitudes were concerned. The third was to study the relationship between the elites and the general population on the basis of attitudinal affinity. The conclusions were based on theoretical models characterising various elite structures and their interconnections with democracy. The concept of a responsive elite is developed on the grounds of the theory of democratic elitism. The changes in the Finnish elite structure have meant a passage towards an inclusive structure compatible with democracy rather than towards an exclusive elite configuration. Finnish elites have become more open and more diverse.

Opening the Inner Circle of Power: Circulation among the Finnish Elites in the Context of Major Societal Changes 1991–2011

Abstract The present study assessed the extent to which elite circulation has changed in Finland in the context of substantial social changes since the early 1990s. We first analyzed changes in vertical social mobility, i.e., recruitment to the elites, and then, changes in horizontal social mobility, i.e., circulation within the elites. The study was methodologically based on the positional approach, and postal/Internet surveys of members within the elites were conducted in 1991, 2001, and 2011. The hypotheses were derived from major social changes that have occurred in the Finnish society since the early 1990s. Since many of these societal changes focused most profoundly on people of lowest socio-economic position, we first hypothesized, that recruitment from these groups to the elites had decreased, i.e., the openness of the elite structure had been reduced. According to second hypothesis, the retention of elite positions had become less secure due to decreased societal stability and increased scandals implicating the elites. Moreover, since the political decision-makers were responsible for many social changes, and the political elite is the sole elite group whose ascendancy depends mainly on the support of the population, we also hypothesized that societal changes have exerted the most effect on the political elite.

Citizens, Politicians and Experts in Energy Policy-Making: The Case of Finland

Theoretically, this study debates the issue of technocracy, with the role of representative democracy and expert knowledge in the Finnish energy policy-making as a focus. Policy-making is characterized by several characteristics making it special in international comparison. The study is based on a postal survey conducted among a random sample (N = 4000) representing 18–75-year old Finns in May – October 2007. Given the expert-centred tradition of Finnish science and technology policy, as well as the characteristics of Finnish political culture, we argued that Finns consider experts and producers of research knowledge to be more legitimate decision-makers than politicians in the energy policy arena. The proposition was tested using three hypotheses. Firstly, we hypothesized that the citizenry do not trust in their chances to influence energy policy-making through political institutions and general elections, and secondly, that people trust more in experts, that is research institutes and authorities as sources of energy-related information than political institutions. According to the third hypothesis, citizens stress more the normative role of experts than that of political decision-makers in the processes of planning and decision-making of energy policy The hypotheses were mainly verified. Our major finding was that even if people considered political institutions the most powerful actors in energy policy-making they did not trust their own chances to influence energy policy through political institutions. Experts were seen as the more legitimate decision-makers than politicians in energy policy.

Elites and Democracy: Are they Compatible?

As far as nation building is concerned, there are substantial differences between the Western and Eastern patterns. In the West nationalism generally developed only after the strong states had been formed, as a consequence of conscious efforts by the central power. In the Eastern European latecomer states in contrast, the process was reversed: ethnic similarities led to national consciousness prior to the formation or re-establishment of a state. Although Finland followed the latter pattern, it approximated the Eastern pattern mainly in terms of the political dependence, but that of Western Europe, especially Scandinavia, as far as the class structure is concerned. This mixture explains the steady advance of national consolidation and nationalism in Finland (Alapuro, 1988, pp. 88–90).

Finnland: Von politischen Amateuren zur politischen Klasse

Die Entwicklung der politischen Klasse Finnlands last sich in drei Abschnitte gliedern. Unter russischer Herrschaft (1809–1917) existierte lange Zeit nur eine Versammlung der vier Stande, bis es 1906 zu einschneidenden politischen Reformen kam. Davor konnten zwar Mitglieder des Senats, d.h. des Kabinetts, zu den Berufspolitikern gezahlt werden, nicht jedoch die Parlamentarier. Eine erste Phase kann somit von den Anfangen des Parteiensystems am Ende des 19. Jahrhunderts bis zu den Reformen abgegrenzt werden. Die Bildung eines Einkammerparlaments und die damit einhergehende Einfiihrung des allgemeinen und gleichen Wahlrechts 1906 schufen dann die Voraussetzungen fur die Entstehung der politischen Klasse. Nach der Unabhangigkeit 1917 bestand deren Kern aus dem Prasidenten der Republik, den Parlamentsabgeordenten und den Ministern. Hinzu kamen die Angestellten der Parteipresse und seit dem Zweiten Weltkrieg in wachsender Zahl Parteifunktionare. Der zweite Abschnitt endete mit der Einfiihrung der staatlichen Parteienfmanzierung in den 60er Jahren. Die darauf folgende dritte Phase sah eine erhebliche Zunahme an Parteifunktionaren, politischen Assistenten und politischen Ernennungen im offentlichen Dienst. Durch den Beitritt Finnlands zur EU kamen nun noch die Europaabgeordneten mit ihren Assistenten hinzu und auch die nationalen Parlamentarier erhielten personliche Mitarbeiter.