Inna Melnykovska

Neighbourhood Europeanization Through ENP: The Case of Ukraine

This article contributes to the integration of Neighbourhood Europeanization in the literature on Europeanization. Based on insights from Membership and Enlargement Europeanization, we reveal important inconsistencies of Neighbourhood Europeanization through ENP as well as a lack of robust empirical support for its effectiveness. We define core dimensions and determinants of Neighbourhood Europeanization and implement this analytical framework for the case of Ukraine. The analysis clearly demonstrates substantial asymmetries in ENP policy across the three dimensions we chose – democracy promotion, economic co-operation and JHA, which clearly reflect the inconsistency of the ENP concept: top-down formulation of EU interests combined with weak conditionality. ENP inconsistencies could however be overcome through widening linkages and improving financial support to mobilize and strengthen positive local support of EU demands and rewards.

The European Union's Relations with Ukraine and Azerbaijan

Among European Neighborhood Policy countries, Azerbaijan stands out, because it leans on its resource base and sees the EU on the receiving end of bilateral relations. At the other extreme, Ukraine depends on EU cooperation. A comprehensive theoretical concept for analyzing both types of asymmetries is developed by considering Ukraines and Azerbaijans rational cost-benefit and constructivist, norm-oriented national strategies. Both national strategies are contrasted with bilateral, regional, and multilateral EU approaches to democracy promotion, economic cooperation, Justice and Home Affairs cooperation, and conflict resolution in the European neighborhood. The elements on which the EUs Neighborhood Europeanization strategy should be based for maximal effectiveness are considered.

Prospective Nato or EU Membership and Institutional Change in Transition Countries

This paper quantifies the impact of incentives related to potential membership on institutional change as measured by the World Bank Governance Indicators (WBGI). Based on a panel of 25 transition countries for the period from 1996 to 2008 we show that pre-accession incentives provided by EU and NAT Oclearly matter for institutional development. In addition, path-dependency determined by cultural norms may be overcome by economic liberalization while foreign aid seems to hamper institutional development.

Prospective NATO or EU membership and institutional change in transition countries1: Membership Perspective AND Institutions

This paper quantifies the impact of incentives related to potential membership on institutional change as measured by the World Bank Governance Indicators (WBGI). Based on a panel of 25 transition countries for the period from 1996 to 2008 we show that pre-accession incentives provided by EU and NATOclearly matter for institutional development. In addition, path-dependency determined by cultural norms may be overcome by economic liberalization while foreign aid seems to hamper institutional development.

Balancing National Uncertainty and Foreign Orientation: Identity Building and the Role of Political Parties in Post-Orange Ukraine

BUILDING NATIONAL IDENTITIES WAS AT THE centre of post-communist transformation but the search for the appropriate mix of ethnic and civic components of a national identity, along with the redefinition of the ‘Self’ and the ‘Others’, has been complicated by primordialism and post-colonialism (Cirtautas & Schimmelfennig 2010). While primordialism has been reflected in the plurality of regional and local identities and led to uncertainty about self-sufficiency of own national identities, a consequence of post-colonialism has been an ‘inferiority complex’, involving a willingness to attach national identities to post-imperial or modern supra-national identities. However, a comprehensive analysis, integrating both features, is still needed. In addition, the literature concerning identity building concentrates on the elite, civil society and the population as internal drivers and the EU and Russia as external drivers. Thereby, it mostly neglects political parties as drivers of identity building, although they play a central role in post-communist countries. We argue that a focus on the role of political parties allows for a more comprehensive view of the interconnections between the main features of postcommunist identity building. Parties can formulate positions on national identity and foreign orientation and influence the preferences of the population on identity issues. In turn, through voting for a particular party during elections, the population can express its preferences on identity issues. Hence political parties can be assumed to play a central role in post-communist identity building.

NATO AS AN EXTERNAL DRIVER OF INSTITUTIONAL CHANGE IN POST‐COMMUNIST COUNTRIES

So far, economic analyses of NATO enlargement have been restricted to aspects of regional security while political analyses focused on indirect peace‐building effects on democracy in the first place. Our panel regressions for 25 post‐communist countries for the period from 1996 to 2008 reveal that direct incentives provided by NATO pre‐accession are important for broad‐based institutional development. Results are even more robust than for variables measuring EU pre‐accession or NATO membership effects. This supports the argument that NATO can act as a transformative power and should strengthen its political agenda.

Institutional Convergence of CIS Towards European Benchmarks

While the transformative power of EU accession is widely accepted, there seems to be widespread pessimism concerning the potential impact on institutional convergence through ENP, i.e. for neighboring countries without a membership perspective. This chapter analyzes external determinants of institutional change measured by the WBGI. An econometric panel analysis for 25 transition countries for the period of 1996–2005 reveals a considerable element of path-dependency. However, basic agreements with the EU and NATO and economic liberalization matter most. Hence, ENP can provide incentives for better governance if inconsistencies and shortcomings in action plans can be removed.