Ives Goddard

An Outline of the Historical Phonology of Arapaho and Atsina

1. Proto-Algonquian sound system 2.1. From Proto-Algonquian to ProtoArapaho-Atsina 2.2. Rules (1) through (5) 2.3. Rules (6) through (12) 2.4. Other changes; clusters 2.5. Vowel contraction and assimilation 3. Proto-Arapaho-Astina sound system 4.1. From Proto-Arapaho-Atsina to Arapaho and Atsina: rules (13) through (27) 4.2. Other changes; accent 4.3. Secondary Atsina /i/ 5. Phoneme inventories of Arapaho and Atsina

Aspects of the Topic Structure of Fox Narratives: Proximate Shifts and the Use of Overt and Inflectional NPs

1. This paper continues and expands on a series of studies of the discourse functions of the proximate and the obviative1 in Fox narratives (Goddard 1984 and Dahlstrom 1986a; cf. Dahlstrom 1986b).2 The contrast between proximate and obviative is a differentiation of the third person. The proximate is the unmarked third-person category; if there is only one third person in a context, it can only be proximate. Contrasting with the proximate is the obviative, which can be thought of as a subsidiary third person.3 In contexts that have a third-person

The Eastern Algonquian Subordinative Mode and the Importance of Morphology

0. Introduction. The Eastern Algonquian languages have a mode, formally part of the independent order, that is used for the verb of sentential complements in certain constructions. The morphology that marks this mode in the different languages is cognate, though the functions differ slightly and even include, in some languages, uses independent of an overt superordinate predicate. It has been proposed to call these cognate modes the subordinative, a uniform label justified by their inherited similarities. The development of this mode as an Eastern Algonquian innovation has been outlined (Goddard 1967:80; 1974b:320; 1979a:48-49, 106; 1980:153). A different interpretation of these forms has been presented by Proulx (1980b). He argues that the subordinative is of Proto-Algonquianperhaps Proto-Algic-date and presents hypotheses regarding its formation and development. The purpose of this article is to discuss some of the many problems with Proulxs account. In general these involve details of Algonquian grammar and history, but several can be tied together as resulting from a crucial lack of attention to morphological structure as part of language. Among the points to be made along these lines are the following: endings, ending complexes, and paradigms of these have a morphological component in addition to their phonology, syntactic relations, and semantic structure. Some aspects of the inflections of a language, especially of a morphologically complex one, have a morphological explanation; whether or not in a particular case a morphological explanation as opposed, say, to a phonological explanation is the correct one is an empirical question that cannot in principle be settled a priori by any considerations of inherent complexity. Synchronic morphophonemic rules frequently do not exactly recapitulate historical sound changes but may have been generalized to unoriginal contexts in accordance with patterns of shared membership in morphological classes or other types of morphological analogy. The comparison of forms in related languages must be based first on an analysis of the morphology of the forms within their respective languages, including both their synchronic structures and any aspects of their historical morphology that

Arapaho Historical Morphology

Although the phonological innovations that derive Arapaho from Proto-Algonquian are extensive, the historical origins of Arapaho inflectional morphology can be traced in almost all cases. Some new morphological categories and patterns have emerged, and some functions of inherited material have changed. The data are drawn from grammars, early texts, and dictionaries, supplemented by sound recordings and fieldwork. The examination of data from these varied sources in the context of historical analysis sheds light on synchronic Arapaho phonology, including pitch accent, tone, and syllabification. Improved transcriptions of paradigmatically related forms make possible an historical explanation of the major accentual patterns.

Barry Fell Reexamined

paleographers. He states that in order to deny or discount these discoveries, one should first spend some time on the subject. If scholars can accept Columbus and Cabot, why not the Canaanites and Celts? Mesoamerican discoveries include the artifacts of the pre-Columbian melting pot. Alexander von Wuthenau of Mexico City argues in his book, The Art of Terracotta Pottery in Pre-Columbian Central and South America, that Semites, Africans, and even Japanese all reached the New World before Columbus. The Central American Indians, the Aztecs, Incas, and Mayas, all had a tradition of a bearded white man who came from across the Atlantic, from the East, bringing with him his knowledge of agriculture, metallurgy, and other arts. Another proponent of these concepts is Cyrus H. Gordon. His book, Before Columbus (Links Between the Old World and Ancient America), seems to have come and gone, almost unnoticed. He feels that pre-Columbian America was not isolated from the rest of the world but was in contact with the East for thousands of years. Despite the fact that Gordons ideas were presented almost a decade ago, little has changed. It is not difficult to postulate that in the same way the Egyptians and Persians came to forget their ancestral scripts which had to be deciphered by foreign scholars, so did the ancestors of the American Indians forget the discovery of the wheel, and Europe forgot the discovery of its earlier pioneer sailors who reached New World shores before the 15th century. Further support came to light in 1968 when Gordon first published an article on the authenticity of the Phoenician text from Parahyba, Brazil (originally discovered in 1874), which recorded how Canaanites had set sail from Ezion-geber via the Red Sea, in the 19th year of King Hiram of Tyre. For two years they sailed with ten other ships, but were lost after a storm. Eventually, fifteen souls reached the shores of South America. The text has been dated to the 6th century B.C. The Bat Creek stone from Tennessee, originally investigated in 1894 (now housed in the Smithsonian Institution), was recently discussed as a Judean inscription dating from about A.D. 100 (Occasional Publications: The Epigraphic Society, September, 1976). Epigraphically, it closely resembles Hebrew letters of Jewish coinage from the Bar Kokhba revolt. Were these brave Jews perhaps those who, fed up with Roman domination over Israel, set sail for distant peaceful shores? Further reports appeared in The Courier Journal, Louisville, Tennessee (1953 and 1967) of the inscribed Hebrew coins of Bar Kokhbas revolt