John A. Wiseman

The continuing case for demo‐optimism in Africa

The widespread democratization process which occurred in Africa during the early 1990s gave rise to a varied range of scholarly assessments. They have been categorized in relation to the extent that they presented more or less optimistic or pessimistic views of the significance of what had taken place. Demo‐pessimists tended to argue that this change was relatively superficial and likely to prove ephemeral, whilst demo‐optimists viewed it as having important and longer‐term consequences for the way African states were governed. More recent assessments reflect a movement towards a more demo‐pessimistic perspective on the part of academic observers. Based on an examination of developments in Africa since the early 1990s and an assessment of what are viewed as ‘obstacles’ to democracy in Africa, this article argues that a cautious and limited form of demo‐optimism remains plausible. In spite of obvious difficulties democracy is likely to remain firmly embedded into the African political agenda.

Leadership and Personal Danger in African Politics

To be a political leader in many parts of the world is to follow an extremely hazardous and insecure occupation. In addition, in sub-Saharan Africa, but elsewhere as well, the element of personal danger exists in a particularly acute form. Although the extent to which this is true varies considerably not only from place to place but also over time, the evidence of the past 30 years clearly suggests that there are remarkably few states in which an individual could contemplate embarking on a career in politics free from the danger of incurring severe personal penalties at some stage. Without claiming any great statistical precision, this short article presents a broad comparative account of the dangers attached to positions of political leadership in post-independence black Africa.

Early post-redemocratization elections in Africa

Abstract The recent resurgence of multi-party systems in sub-Saharan Africa has created the conditions for a significant increase in the number of competitive elections involving contending political parties. Analysis of seven competitive elections occurring early on in this process indicates considerable variation in the conduct and style of elections and the nature of competing parties. Four out of the seven elections produced victories for the opposition and peaceful change of government through the ballot box.

Urban Riots in West Africa, 1977-85

My aim is to examine one particular mode of political participation: the urban riot. In the West African context its importance is enhanced by the fact that there exist few, if any, other ways in which the mass of the population can participate in the political process and seek to bring some influence to bear upon governments. For most of the time, in the majority of states in the region, constitutional mechanisms for influencing governments have been largely absent due to the prevailing climate of political authoritarianism. Only in the Gambia have competitive parties operated throughout the last 10 years, although a few other states (Nigeria, Ghana, Burkina Faso, and Senegal) have had this type of democratic system for part of the time. For the rest, single-party or military rule has held sway, and opportunities for influencing, or indeed replacing, governments through the ballot box have been marked by their absence. Authoritarianism has extended not only to opposition parties — or, in the case of the military, any political organisation — but also to autonomous or semi-independent pressure groups, which have in general been fairly weak, even where not banned altogether.

Malawi: The Contested Legacy of the Ngwazi

The year 1997 saw the double departure of Ngwazi Hastings Kamuzu Banda from the Malawian political scene. In July he finally retired from the Life Presidency of the Malawi Congress Party (MCP) and in November he died in a South African hospital. From independence in 1964 until his defeat in the multiparty elections of 1994 Banda had dominated Malawian political life. This article analyses the circumstances and consequences of his departure in the context of contemporary post‐transition Malawian politics. Close attention is paid to the structure of party political competition in the post‐Banda period with particular reference to the general election due in 1999. It is emphasized that assessments of the Banda period are highly contested in Malawi and this forms an important part of current political debate.

Militarism, militarisation and praetorianism in South Africa

PHILIP H. FRANKEL, Pretorias Praetorians: civil-military relations in South Africa, Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1984, 215 pp. ?27.50, ISBN 0 521 26440 5. KENNETH W. GRUNDY, The Militarization of South African Politics, London: I. B. Tauris, 1986, 133 pp. ?14.95, ISBN 1 85043 019 5. PETER WARWICK, Black People and the South African War, 1899-1902, Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1983, 226 pp. ?25, ISBN 0 521 25216 4. JOSEPH HANLON, Beggaryour Neighbours: Apartheid power in southern Africa, London: James Currey, 1986, 352 pp. ?25 hardback (ISBN 0 85255 307 2), ?8.95 paperback (ISBN 0 85255 305 6.