John Jeffries Martin
Trinity University
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Facial Plastic Surgery Clinics of North America | 2015
Julie A. Woodward; Tanya T. Khan; John Jeffries Martin
The use of facial fillers has greatly expanded over the past several years. Along with increased use comes a rise in documented complications, ranging from poor cosmetic result to nodules, granulomas, necrosis, and blindness. Awareness of the potential types of complications and options for management, in addition to the underlying facial anatomy, are imperative to delivering the best patient care. This article defines the complications and how to treat them and provides suggestions to avoid serious adverse outcomes.
Journal of Family History | 1985
John Jeffries Martin
In late Renaissance Venice, a patriarchal ideology was not only the patrimony of noblemen but was diffused among male artisans as well. Drawing on the records of trials from the Roman Inquisition in the later half of the six teenth century, this article examines ways in which both Catholic and heretical women—in both cases the wives of artisans—responded to the patriarchy and the violence of their households. Catholic women found refuge in a variety of reli gious devotions ranging from confession to the rituals associated with childbirth. To a degree, these women were aided by certain of the Tridentine reforms. The heretical women, by contrast, sought solidarity with one another and demon strated remarkable self-confidence in their interpretations of religious matters. Yet there were similarities in both social and cultural dimensions of female reli giousness in sixteenth-century Venice which transcended purely religious dif ferences. These similarities, moreover, are suggestive of a world in which, despite the pervasiveness of a patriarchial ideology, women enjoyed considerable autonomy.
European Review of History: Revue europeenne d'histoire | 2015
John Jeffries Martin
Writing in a period of considerable anxiety about gender roles, Montaigne (1533–92) developed a series of reflections on gender and masculinity in which he destabilized the gender and sexual hierarchies of early-modern France. First, drawing on an increasingly global archive of information about non-European societies, he argued that culture plays a major role in shaping the lives and experiences of women. Secondly, his understanding of nature enabled him to foster a notion of the equality of the sexes, even as he recognized that nature creates certain differences between men and women. Finally, on these foundations, Montaigne constructed a vision of masculinity that stresses it as an ethical value, one that he opposes above all to cruelty. Montaignes sexual politics were, I suggest, at least in part a response to the Wars of Religion that had led to an excess of barbarity in early-modern France.
The Eighteenth Century | 2008
Ronald K. Delph; Michelle M. Fontaine; John Jeffries Martin
despite the repressions of Albornoz, the return of the papacy from Avignon and the gradual reassertion of papal control throughout the remainder of the Trecento. Constitutional change during the intervening decades came slowly and subtly: rubrics outlawing participation of the barons in the city’s affairs stayed on the books, while the content of individual rubrics underwent gradual change or saw the replacement of former offices (reformatores) with new ones (conservatores), for example. Only under Paul II did Rienzo’s legacy truly disappear with the abolition of the 20 May Mass of the Holy Spirit in honor of his revolution (replaced by the feast of S. Bernardino in 1469) and the substitution of the Respublica romanorum and presens popularis status with the Sanctissimi domini nostri Pauli pape Secundi et Romane Ecclesie status. The change of a few words tells far greater tales. Modigliani offers a good review of the Roman constitution from 1143 into the Trecento and a detailed analysis of the origins of the buono stato in Trecento communal practice. But like Rehberg, she excludes Cola’s daring threefold reinterpretation of this formula, ignoring its apocalyptic overtones (as she does for his S. Angelo in Pescheria fresco). Modigliani also underinterprets Paul II’s ordinances and bull of 30 September 1469. She herself points out that only after Martin V and then Paul himself had effectively destroyed all political opposition of both barons and commune (she does accept Gregorovius’s triad) did the papacy again revive the theoretical claims for the city of Rome as the caput orbis and font of all spiritual and temporal authority. But she misses an important implication: only after it had effectively removed all traces of Rienzo’s legacy from the Roman constitution could the papacy reclaim the mythic powers of the pontifex-imperator (131), powers that Rienzo insisted resided at the very core of Rome’s history and physical being. Clement VI, Innocent VI, Albornoz, and Martin V might all accept an evolving communal governance in Rome while their rule remained theoretical and weak. But once the papacy was firmly in control on the ground again its claims knew no bounds. In the meanwhile, Cola’s legacy — and its control over Rome’s mythic power — continued to restrain popes and barons. RONALD G. MUSTO Italica Press, New York
Journal of Medieval and Early Modern Studies | 2011
John Jeffries Martin
Scholars have turned with increasing interest in recent years to the history of the Mediterranean. The subject is not new, but the ways in which we approach it have changed. No longer viewed primarily from the vantage points of either economic or imperial histories, the Mediterranean has emerged as a site of immense cultural complexity. As a result, the rather sharply defined contours of religions and cultures that seemed to shape the identities of those who lived around its shores now appear far more fluid, much less fixed than they did to an earlier generation of scholars. Yet there were precursors to this shift in perspective. As long ago as the late 1940s, for example, Fernand Braudel called attention to the complexity of this environment in The Mediterranean and the Mediterranean World. In numerous splendid passages, perhaps most notably in his romanticized but suggestive description of the folklore and religious beliefs of highlanders in the opening pages of his study, Braudel cautioned against thinking of their worlds in purely Christian or purely Muslim terms.1 To the contrary, making sense of religious belief, Braudel maintained, requires attention to the whole social environment, and historians need to recognize not only the relative ease with which men and women of the Mediterranean could pass from one faith to another, but also the tenacity of ancient peasant beliefs, even as Christian and Muslim authorities sought to impose new ways of thinking. Braudel problematized the question of religious identities for largely stable populations. The studies in this issue of The Journal of Medieval and Early Modern Studies, by contrast, focus primarily, though not exclusively, on highly mobile populations: on travelers, runaways, merchants, missionaries, and warriors. While the case studies I have gathered here are diverse, their authors have — in their attempts to illuminate the making and unmaking of religious boundaries in the Mediterranean — drawn, either directly or indirectly, on new questions about the past enabled by recent work in
La Réforme en France et en Italie : Contacts, Comparaisons et Contrastes. Colloque International | 2007
John Jeffries Martin
This paper proffers an analysis of those elites within northern Italian society who did, with varying degrees of intensity, embrace the new religious ideas of the period. The analysis focuses on three groups: (1) highly-placed ecclesiastics; (2) the court nobility; and (3) urban elites. It argues that each of these groups played a distinctive role in shaping the Italian response to the Reformation and in the propagation of heretical ideas. What remains mysterious, given the intensity of the propaganda campaign that the elites undertook as well as social conditions in northern Italy that were apparently ripe for reform, is, ultimately, their inability to reshape the policies of the northern Italian courts and cities and thereby gain support for a more robust, politically-sanctioned « Reformation. » In the end, the author argues that the primary obstacle must be located in the peculiarities of the political regimes of this period, and the general subordination of the church to the state in northern Italy during the sixteenth century.
Rethinking History | 2006
John Jeffries Martin
This essay is the memory of a scholars encounter as a young man with a book that changed his life: Richard W. Southerns The Making of the Middle Ages, first published in 1953. Through an autobiographical reflection on the reading of this book when he was a college student, the writer, who is not a medievalist, attempts to convey the postwar context at Oxford in which Southern crafted his text as well as the affinities Southerns own scholarship, with its attention to the new sensibilities of the twelfth century, had to the changes taking place in academic culture in the late 1960s and early 1970s. By exploring the personal influence Southerns writing had on him, the author seeks to reinforce Southerns own view of scholarship and the life of the mind as powerful forces in the shaping of history. As Southern observed, ‘[t]he significant events are often the obscure ones, and the significant utterances are often those of men withdrawn from the world and speaking to very few’.
Renaissance Quarterly | 2006
John Jeffries Martin
affording a countervailing critique of the outmoded chivalric ethic that occupies him during daylight hours. Quixote’s obsessive reading habits distort the aims of study espoused by Petrarch in De vita solitaria just as surely as they reproduce the indecision of Albrecht Dürer’s Melencolia I, which captures the exact moment when Melancholy abandons the tools of intellectual work to reflect upon their use or uselessness. The book’s last two chapters focus respectively upon spiritual and worldly concerns. The first leads us from the vesper prayers of Dante’s Purgatorio through Abendlieder lyrics of seventeenth-century German Protestant poets such as Andreas Gryphius and Paul Gerhardt and Jesuits such as Friedrich von Spee to the mystical poetry of the same century inspired by the noche oscura, noche serena of St. John of the Cross. The second juxtaposes secular and sacred forms in its approach to courtly nighttime entertainments in the reign of France’s Charles IX; to the painterly arts of Antoine Caron, Georges de La Tour, and Adam Elsheimer which depict crepuscular realism; and to collections of popular tales deigned to be read at evening firesides, such as Guillaume Bouchet’s Serées and Estienne Tabourot’s Les escraignes dijonnaises. Ménager’s unerring instinct for illuminating detail, his capacious vision of cultural currents and crosscurrents, and his lively presentation of materials ranging from Dante and Petrarch to Tasso, Galileo, and beyond make this an exceptionally rewarding volume. WILLIAM J. KENNEDY Cornell University
Archive | 2004
John Jeffries Martin
No one knew precisely what was going on behind closed doors at no. 27 Calle Sporca in the Venetian parish of San Luca, but whatever it was upset several people. The landlord had seen the paper hats. A fellow tenant had overheard the singing and even seen the makeshift altar, as well as a number of other religious items — candles, a censer, and several pious paintings — in the room of the two journeymen next door. Lady Lucretia Salomono, a noblewoman who resided across the way, saw much more. From her window she had observed two young men wearing strange hats and garments. One young man, she said, bowed down before the other’s feet, while the latter held a censer. But she had not tarried at her window for long and she could provide few further details.1
The Journal of Economic History | 2002
John Jeffries Martin
In this carefully researched book, Monica Chojnacka stresses the independence of working women in early modern Venice. Accepting the premise that, in general, the wives, sisters, and daughters of the nobility led highly restricted lives throughout this period, she argues that both economic forces and the formation of new charitable institutions benefited popolane (non-elite women) by providing them with forms of sociability, community, and agency that were denied their social superiors.