John Kirton

G20 governance for a globalized world

Contents: Preface Part I Analysing G20 Governance: Introduction The systemic hub model of G20 governance. Part II Generating the Group, 1999-2001: Creating the group, Berlin 1999 Governing globalization, Montreal 2000 Combating terrorism, Ottawa 2001. Part III Equalizing the Influence, 2002-2007: Driving development, New Delhi 2002 and Moreila 2003 Bonding Berlin, Berlin 2004 Capturing China, Xianghe 2005 Strengthening sustainability, Melbourne 2006 and Kleinmond 2007. Part IV Creating the Summit Club, 2008-2010: Soaring to the summit, Washington 2008 Containing contraction, London 2009 Institutionalizing summitry, Pittsburgh 2009 Controlling the Eurocrisis, Toronto 2010. Part V Conclusion: The future of G20 governance Bibliography G20 appendices Index.

Environmental Regulations and Corporate Strategy

Environmental regulations and corporate strategy , Environmental regulations and corporate strategy , کتابخانه دیجیتال جندی شاپور اهواز

Making G8 leaders deliver: an analysis of compliance and health commitments, 1996-2006

International health policy-makers now have a variety of institutional instruments with which to pursue their global and national health goals. These instruments range from the established formal multilateral organizations of the United Nations to the newer restricted-membership institutions of the Group of Eight (G8). To decide where best to deploy scarce resources, we must systematically examine the G8s contributions to global health governance. This assessment explores the contributions made by multilateral institutions such as the World Health Organization, and whether Member States comply with their commitments. We assessed whether G8 health governance assists its member governments in managing domestic politics and policy, in defining dominant normative directions, in developing and complying with collective commitments and in developing new G8-centred institutions. We found that the G8s performance improved substantially during the past decade. The G8 Member States function equally well, and each is able to combat diseases. Compliance varied among G8 Member States with respect to their health commitments, and there is scope for improvement. G8 leaders should better define their health commitments and set a one-year deadline for their delivery. In addition, Member States must seek WHOs support and set up an institution for G8 health ministers.

Monitoring compliance with high-level commitments in health: the case of the CARICOM Summit on Chronic Non-Communicable Diseases

The CARICOM Summit on Chronic Non-Communicable Diseases - the first government summit ever devoted to noncommunicable diseases (NCDs) - was convened by the Caribbean Community (CARICOM) in Trinidad and Tobago in September 2007. Leaders in attendance issued the declaration of Port of Spain, a call for the prevention and control of four major NCDs and their risk factors. An accountability instrument for monitoring compliance with summit commitments was developed for CARICOM by the University of the West Indies in 2008 and revised in 2010. The instrument - a one-page colour-coded grid with 26 progress indicators - is updated annually by focal points in Caribbean health ministries, verified by each countrys chief medical officer and presented to the annual Caucus of Caribbean Community Ministers of Health. In this study, the G8 Research Groups methods for assessing compliance were applied to the 2009 reporting grid to assess each countrys performance. Given the success of the CARICOM Summit, a United Nations high-level meeting of the General Assembly on the prevention and control of NCDs was held in September 2011. In May 2013 the World Health Assembly adopted nine global targets and 25 indicators to measure progress in NCD control. This study shows that the CARICOM monitoring grid can be used to document progress on such indicators quickly and comprehensibly. An annual reporting mechanism is essential to encourage steady progress and highlight areas needing correction. This paper underscores the importance of accountability mechanisms for encouraging and monitoring compliance with the collective political commitments acquired at the highest level.

Linking Trade, Environment, and Social Cohesion : NAFTA Experiences, Global Challenges

Forging the trade-environment-social cohesion link - global challenges, North American experiences, John J. Kirton and Virginia W. MacLaren. Linking Trade, Environment, and Social Values - The Global and NAFTA Experiences: From trade liberalization to sustainable development - the challenges of integrated global governance, Pierre Marc Johnson The new interface agenda among trade, environment, and social cohesion, William A. Dymond Embedded ecologism and institutional inequality - linking trade, environment, and social cohesion in the G8, John J. Kirton Winning together - the NAFTA trade-environment record, John J. Kirton. Investor Protection - Evaluating the NAFTA Chapter II Model: The masked ball of NAFTA chapter II - foreign investors, local environmentalists, government officials, and disguised motives, Sanford E. Gaines Environmental expropriation under NAFTA chapter II - the phantom menace, Julie Soloway Investment and the environment - multilateral and North American perspectives, Konrad von Moltke. Environmental Protection - Evaluating the NAFTA Commission for Environmental Co-operation Model: Stormy weather - the recent history of the citizen submission process of the North American agreement on environmental co-operation, Christopher Tollefson Public participation within NAFTAs environmental agreement - the Mexican experience, Gustavo Alan s Ortega Articles 14 and 15 of the North American agreement on the environmental co-operation - intent of the founders, Serena Wilson. Worker Protection - Evaluating the NAFTA Commission for Labour Co-operation Model: Civil society and the North American agreement on labour co-operation, Kevin Banks Giving teeth to NAFTAs labour side agreement, Jonathan Graubart Understanding the environmental effects of trade - some lessons from NAFTA, Scott Vaughan Sustainability assessments of trade agreements - global approaches, Sarah Richardson Concern for the environmental effects of trade in Canadian communities - evidence from local indicator reports, Virginia W. MacLaren Using indicators to engage the community in sustainability debates, Noel Keough Development and usability of a system for environment and health indicators - a case study, David L. Buckeridge and Carl G. Amrhein. Concluding Reflections: Fix it or nix it? - will the NAFTA model survive?, Sylvia Ostry Conclusions, Virginia W. Maclaren and John J. Kirton.

The diplomacy of concert: Canada, the G‐7 and the Halifax summit

This article maintains that Canada has been Largely successful in exercising influence through the Summit process. This success is underscored by the role of the Summit as a centre of global governance and Canadas ability, within this setting, to assert its interests through the formation of fluid coalitions. Given Canadas past performance and its status as host of the Halifax Summit, Canadian participation can again be expected to be successful and influential in a number of issue areas including reform of both international financial and development institutions, international trade, and peacekeeping.

Domestic Access to Government in the Canadian Foreign Policy Process 1968–1982

whether from inexperience, lack of resources, or the peculiar character of the views they express, the overwhelming difficulty is merely to get harried ministers, officials, and members of parliament in Ottawa to listen to their case. But even for groups which have broken the attention barrier, three further and more formidable problems arise. One is to ensure that the points and types of access they are granted by the prevailing traditions and institutions of parliamentary democracy and cabinet government are effective channels for taking their messages to the individuals with the power to respond to their specific demands. Beyond lies the difficulty of ensuring that these individuals listen with a sympathetic ear, possess an understanding of the environment in which the demandeur operates, and, preferably, share a commitment to the values on which the domestic group bases its demands. Yet even when the passionate commitment of the right people is triumphantly secured, there remains the ever present danger of cooption, the complex but inevitable question of who is really using whom.

Canada's G8 global health diplomacy: Lessons for 2010

On June 25-27, 2010, the most powerful leaders of the world’s most powerful countries will come to Huntsville, Canada, for the Group of Eight (G8) Summit. They will be accompanied by their Group of Five (G5) and Group of Twenty (G20) partners and other invited guests. Global health issues will be on the agenda, in particular health education and maternal and children’s health, as declared by host Canadian Prime Minister Stephen Harper in July 2009 (Harper, 2009). Such health issues are of critical importance as specific infectious diseases, such as swine flu, sweep around the world. The global community also has been grappling with such systemic, interlinked issues as to how trade in pharmaceuticals can protect providers’ intellectual property rights while respecting poor patients’ human right to the affordable medicines they need to live. The Intergovernmental Panel on Climate Change (IPCC) has shown how climate change spreads disease as extreme weather events overwhelm local health care services and a warmer climate lures mosquitoes and their deadly West Nile virus further north to kill Canadians at home. Moreover, during the past nine years the G8 has committed itself repeatedly to make affordable HIV/AIDS treatment available for all, to cut tuberculosis and malaria in half, and to eliminate polio—all by 2010. At present, it is not on track to meet these multi-year 2010 goals. The unprecedented global financial and economic crisis is harming their ability to do so as poverty compounds the health problem, money from wealthy donors shrinks, and the G8’s attention shifts to the economic crisis. At the same time, the historically significant health performance of the G8, its repeated re-iteration of the 2010 targets, and the high priority that Canadians put on health could propel the G8 to successfully confront global health challenges in 2010. What can Canada do to help the G8 meet its ambitious 2010 health goals, and the many other health needs that the current economic crisis has and will compound? To answer this key Canadian foreign policy question, this study examines how and why Canada and its G8 colleagues have created and complied with health commitments in their summits to the present day. On that foundation, it identifies the probable causes that are under the control of G8 governors themselves and Canada as host in 2010. It then recommends what Canada can do to better reach its global health goals through the G8. 85

Building a new global order : emerging trends in international security

The end of the Cold War era has not brought greater security to the world community. Although the likelihood of a global strategic nuclear war has been reduced significantly, we have already witnessed the impact of other challenges to international peace. The Gulf War raised the spectre of expanding regional conflicts adopting the means and methods of the previous superpower confrontation. The disintegration of the Horn of Africa, the Civil War in the Balkans, and the resurgence of the Khmer Rouge in Cambodia all reveal the continuing power of historic ethnic, religious, and national rivalries, and the seeming inability of the international community to deal effectively with these tragedies. Weapons technologies, modern telecommunications and transportation, demographic changes and resource imbalances, and the globalization of production together raise enormous challenges as we move into the 21st century. Are the international institutions with which we have lived since the end of the Second World War up to the task? This book addresses many of these basic and profound issues.

Beyond Bilateralism: United States—Canadian Cooperation in the Arctic

The enormous growth in United States activity in the Arctic during the past decade and a half has brought many United States interests into conflict with those of other Arctic rim countries. From the highly politicized issues of defense, energy supply, and jurisdictional claims, to the concerns with transportation, environmental protection, native rights, and scientific research, the United States is operating on a stage where the potential for conflict and incentives for cooperation with other Arctic nations are profound. Although here as elsewhere the Soviet Union has a special status in the vision of American policymakers, the intersection of United States interests with Canadian interests is wider and more complex. Canada’s size as the second largest Arctic nation aggravates the potential for conflict, but its position as an Atlantic ally and continental collaborator means that cooperation on basic issues is essential.