Kathleen Hall Jamieson
University of Pennsylvania
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Featured researches published by Kathleen Hall Jamieson.
Communication Research | 1998
Daniel Romer; Kathleen Hall Jamieson; Nicole J. De Coteau
Blaming outgroups for social problems is a common discursive practice. However, it is not clear whether this discourse represents ethnocentric bias or realistic group conflict. To compare these explanations, the authors studied 14 weeks of local television news on three stations in Philadelphia. The authors found that persons of color were heavily presented in stories about crime, and within those stories were more likely to be presented as perpetrators of crime than as persons reacting to or suffering from it. An analysis using recent homicide rates in Philadelphia and a rational model of expected victimization indicated that contrary to a realistic-conflict explanation, White actors were overpresented as victims of violence compared to their roles as perpetrators, and persons of color were overpresented as perpetrators of violence against White actors. These patterns were consistent with the hypothesis that the news media engage in a discourse of ethnic blame that is independent of realistic group conflict.
Communication Research | 2006
Josh Pasek; Kate Kenski; Daniel Romer; Kathleen Hall Jamieson
This research examines the role of the mass media in young peoples disengagement from politics. In a nationally representative telephone survey (N = 1,501), young people (ages 14 to 22) reported their habits for 12 different uses of mass media as well as awareness of current national politics and time spent in civic activities. Following Putnams hypothesis about the beneficial effects of civic ties on political involvement, the authors predict and find that civic activity is positively associated with political awareness. Contrary to Putnam, they find that media use, whether information or entertainment oriented, facilitates civic engagement, whereas news media are especially effective in promoting political awareness. Although heavy use of media interferes with both political and civic engagement, the overall effect of media use is favorable for each outcome. The results are discussed in regard to the potentially greater use of the media to build community engagement in young people.
Nicotine & Tobacco Research | 2007
Ellen Peters; Daniel Romer; Paul Slovic; Kathleen Hall Jamieson; Leisha M. Wharfield; C. K. Mertz; Stephanie M. Carpenter
Cigarette smoking is a major source of mortality and medical costs in the United States. More graphic and salient warning labels on cigarette packs as used in Canada may help to reduce smoking initiation and increase quit attempts. However, the labels also may lead to defensive reactions among smokers. In an experimental setting, smokers and nonsmokers were exposed to Canadian or U.S. warning labels. Compared with current U.S. labels, Canadian labels produced more negative affective reactions to smoking cues and to the smoker image among both smokers and nonsmokers without signs of defensive reactions from smokers. A majority of both smokers and nonsmokers endorsed the use of Canadian labels in the United States. Canadian-style warnings should be adopted in the United States as part of the countrys overall tobacco control strategy.
Applied Developmental Science | 2008
Josh Pasek; Lauren Feldman; Daniel Romer; Kathleen Hall Jamieson
Despite a growing consensus that civic education is an important aspect of political socialization, little research has prospectively examined how gains made during civics courses are maintained after high school. This study used a quasi-experimental design to examine longer-term effects of the Student Voices program, which was originally evaluated in Philadelphia public high schools during the 2002–2003 school year. Following the 2004 presidential election, researchers recontacted students who had participated in the program for one or two semesters and students who had been in control civics classrooms. A structural equation model indicated that students who experienced two semesters of the program reported greater self-efficacy for political participation and that this effect carried over to increased political attentiveness as well as to knowledge of candidate positions. In addition, political attentiveness increased knowledge and voting in the election. However, neither knowledge nor efficacy had direct effects on voting once attentiveness was controlled. The results suggest that a supplementary civics education program such as Student Voices can increase subsequent participation in politics by building long-term gains in political self-efficacy and skills in using the news media to follow government and political affairs.
Quarterly Journal of Speech | 1982
Kathleen Hall Jamieson; Karlyn Kohrs Campbell
Historians and critics have recognized the existence of pieces of rhetoric that blend the elements of different genres into compatible wholes. This essay examines the hybrid genre created by ascendant vice presidents in response to the deaths of presidents.
American Journal of Education | 2007
Lauren Feldman; Josh Pasek; Daniel Romer; Kathleen Hall Jamieson
School‐based civic education is increasingly recognized as an effective means for increasing political awareness and participation in American youth. This study examines the Student Voices curriculum, implemented in 22 Philadelphia high schools, to assess program activities that mediate gains in outcomes linked to future political participation (following of politics, political knowledge, and political efficacy). The results indicate that class deliberative discussions, community projects, and informational use of the Internet produce favorable outcomes that build over the course of two semesters. Effects were comparable for both white and nonwhite students.
American Behavioral Scientist | 2003
Patrick E. Jamieson; Kathleen Hall Jamieson; Daniel Romer
Prominently placed press reports of suicide have the ability to produce imitation among vulnerable individuals. This led to the release of consensus recommendations supporting the responsible news reporting of suicide in August 2001. This article summarizes research supporting the recommendations and indicates ways that reporters can cover suicide without encouraging imitation. Content analysis of the New York Times for 1990, 1995, and 1999 indicates that although the suicide rate did not increase during this period, the prominence of suicide reporting did. In addition, articles did not focus on treatable preexisting conditions (e.g., depression) that play a role in up to 90% of self-inflicted death. Interviews with 57 journalists indicated that they were unaware that their reporting could produce suicide imitation. Health professionals can aid journalists by underscoring the effectiveness of treatments for depression and encouraging reporters to include sources of help for the suicidal.
Political Communication | 2009
Daniel Romer; Kathleen Hall Jamieson; Josh Pasek
In this study we evaluate different models of media use to determine whether television and other popular media facilitate or hinder the development of social capital in young people. We surveyed a nationally representative sample of 14- to 22-year olds (N = 1,800) to assess the media–social capital relationship controlling for pessimistic life outlook. Consistent with Becks (1967) theory of depression, we hypothesized that young people with a pessimistic life outlook will be less trusting of others, will withdraw from civic activity, and will turn to media that have low cognitive demand (e.g., television shows) and avoid media that require greater cognitive resources (e.g., books and informational use of the Internet). Using structural equation modeling, we found that despite support for those predictions, total time spent viewing television remained inversely related to both social trust and civic engagement. However, model tests indicated that civic activity enhances trust by reducing time spent with television and increasing book reading. Furthermore, moderate consumption of entertainment television does not reduce trust. Hence, the results reaffirm the favorable relationships between social capital and media use, including television, in young people but continue to reveal adverse relationships with heavy television use.
Communication Research | 1994
Joseph N. Cappella; Kathleen Hall Jamieson
Several national news networks adopted a strategy for responding to misleading, attack ads during the presidential campaign of 1992. These were called adwatches. The adwatches evaluated the content of political commercials for errors and deceptive and misleading claims. They did so, not simply by replaying the offending material and then offering commentary, but rather by interrupting the ad with commentary and repositioning the ad on the screen. The purpose of this study was to evaluate the effects of the adwatch on peoples attitudes toward the source of the ad, the target of the ad, the ad itself, and recall and interpretation of the ads content. A field experiment was conducted to evaluate overall effects of the adwatch procedures on an ad generated by the Buchanan campaign during the Michigan primary. The ad attacked the credibility of George Bush and his advisers. Particular formats were also tested. The adwatches affected attitudes toward the source of the ad and toward the perceived fairness and importance of the ad. Adwatches did not affect attitudes toward the object of the attack ad nor interpretation of the ads content. Education interacted with experimental condition such that interpretations of the ad by the least well-educated portion of the sample were adversely affected by the adwatches in contrast to the better educated.
Political Research Quarterly | 2011
James L. Gibson; Jeffrey A. Gottfried; Michael X. Delli Carpini; Kathleen Hall Jamieson
The purpose of this article is to investigate the consequences of judicial campaign activity for the perceived legitimacy of the Pennsylvania judiciary. The authors find that politicized campaign ads do detract from court support, although they find practically no difference between traditional campaign ads (e.g., presenting endorsements from groups) and strong attack ads. But this finding must be understood within the context of the 2007 Pennsylvania election increasing court support for all respondents, even those exposed to the most politicized ad content. Being exposed to politicized ads seems to retard the benefits of elections but does not eliminate them.