Katia Pilati

The Role of Social Capital in Migrants’ Engagement in Local Politics in European Cities

European scholars studying migrants’ political participation largely privilege explanations based on structural approaches that link political participation to structures of opportunities and constraints. On the one hand, the political opportunity structures (POS) approach, developed within the social movements field, focuses on how the citizenship regime defines different sets of individual and collective rights for migrants, as well as different opportunities for the emergence of migrants’ collective action (Koopmans and Statham, 2000a; Koopmans et al., 2005). On the other hand, other work focuses more on the opportunities and constraints set by organizational structures, specifically ethnic organizational structures and how they increase levels of migrant political participation (Fennema and Tillie, 1999 and 2001; Fennema, 2004). With respect to the latter approach, however, a recent debate has emerged as to whether different types of organizational structures that lead to the formation of ‘bonding’ and ‘bridging’ social capital may have a varying impact on migrants’ political integration (Phalet and Swyngedouw, 2002; Jacobs and Tillie, 2004). The main claim is that different types of organizational structures and links shape opportunities, constraints and resources in non-uniform ways, and hence will have potentially divergent effects on migrants’ political integration.

Ethnic and immigrant politics vs. mainstream politics: the role of ethnic organizations in shaping the political participation of immigrant-origin individuals in Europe

ABSTRACT Previous scholarship has reported contradictory results regarding the impact of involvement by immigrant-origin individuals (IOIs) in ethnic organizations on political participation. In this article, we assess the effect of involvement in different types of organizations (ethnic, pan-immigrant and native) on participation in various types of political activities. We use cross-national micro-data from a population survey undertaken in 2004–2008 to IOIs in nine European cities. Our findings indicate that ethnic organizations perform an integrative function for IOIs in the political sphere, but they mainly affect participation linked to immigration-related issues concerning specific ethnic groups and IOIs. Moreover, most effects of involvement in ethnic organizations on the different types of political participation examined are similar in closed and in open political opportunity structures (POS). We only find evidence that involvement in ethnic organizations depresses conventional political action in open POS settings while it increases political action in closed POS settings.

One (Slender) Tree, Many (Social) Roots: Revisiting Immigrant Associations Through a Case Study on Ecuadorians in Italy

Abstract Immigrant associations are often assumed to be social phenomena already ‘out there’, while their developmental trajectories and social roots are relatively understudied. Much literature has explored their contribution to the socio-political integration of newcomers, lumping together all of their non-political activities as ‘co-ethnic sociability’. However, their micro-social roots deserve more attention, and the identity and symbolic dimensions of their initiatives are worth investigating further. Based on a literature review and an ethnography of a group of Ecuadorians living in Northern Italy, we revisit the factors affecting the development of immigrant associations as well as their primary fields of activity. While these associations are expressive of immigrants’ cultural backgrounds and basically deal with informal sociability, they also have an implicitly political dimension, as they mirror immigrants’ struggle for public visibility and recognition. A better appreciation of the political significance of immigrant associations (despite their shortcomings and political marginality), and of their evolving roots, is necessary to understand why, and how, newcomers such as the Ecuadorians in our case study may (or may not) join them.

Gaps in protest activities between natives and individuals of migrant origin in Europe

This article explores gaps in protest engagement between natives and individuals of migrant origin in European cities. It examines migrant–native gaps and second generation–native gaps by associating them with different sources of inequalities: differential individual socio-economic status resources, differential attitudes, and differential characteristics related to migration; differential effects of such factors for natives and for individuals of migrant origin; and differential contexts offering varying opportunities of participation. The study uses cross-national micro-data from a population survey of immigrant-origin individuals and natives in 9 European cities undertaken in 2004–2008. The findings show that observed inequalities in protest participation involving migrants and second generations are largely based on different levels of education attained and of political interest. Some migration-related characteristics, like holding the citizenship of the host country and experienced discrimination, affect protest gaps as well. In addition, results support the claimed importance of the context where individuals of migrant origin settle, in particular, of the characteristics of the citizenship regime. Finally, our findings support a segmented assimilation hypothesis whereby different socio-economic modes of incorporation of ethnic groups in the host cities affect different trajectories of political incorporation.

Political Context and Organizations

This introductory chapter illustrates the main research question behind this book: what are the alternative modalities of facing political exclusion of migrant groups in Europe? In this chapter, Pilati introduces her study on the political exclusion of three migrant groups, Filipinos, Egyptians and Ecuadorians in Milan, a city characterized by a moderately closed political context of migrant integration compared to other cities in Europe. In this chapter Pilati articulates the main hypothesis, arguing that the effect of an exclusionary context on political engagement is moderated by the level and type of organizational engagement and of organizational networks. Differences in these dimensions are likely to lead to different modalities of facing political exclusion.

Organizational Networks and Political Engagement of Organizations

In this chapter Pilati integrates the previous analyses on the civic and political engagement of individual migrants with the analysis of organizational networks and the political engagement of organizations. The chapter shows that most activities by migrant organizations in Milan are concentrated on service-delivery and provision while political activities play a limited role only In addition, organizational networks and, therefore, their effects on political engagement of organizations, differ depending on the ethnic group considered. Pilati argues that among Egyptians, links that organizations build with other organizations are crucial for accessing all different kinds of political activities. In contrast, among Filipinos, isolated organizations or small clusters of ethnic organizations are not likely to facilitate access to the political sphere.

Linking Civic and Political Engagement

In this chapter Pilati discusses more systematically the role of engagement in different types of organizations for migrants’ political participation, The author shows that individual engagement in different types of organizations affects different forms of political engagement. In addition, she finds thai the results change depending on the ethnic group considered. In particular, Filipinos and Egyptians show two contrasting patterns of engagement. Filipinos are mostly active in conventional political activities which are significantly driven by engagement in religious, mostly ethnic-based organizations. In contrast, the political engagement of Egyptians, especially by the Muslim component, is more likely driven by engagement in political, pan-immigrant and native-based organizations.

A Multifaceted Exclusionary Context in Milan

In this chapter Pilati discusses factors affecting migrants’ politicai participation. The author highlights classical theories of political participation stressing conditions which may equally affect natives and migrants. These include migrants’ socio-economic status, network resources with a particular focus on organizations, and factors related to processes of assimilation into the residence country and the immigration process. In addition, Pilati investigates the impact of a closed political context on political engagement by illustrating the cultural and structural constraints of a closed political context. In particular, she explores these dimensions by illustrating the case in Milan.

Comparing Migrants and Natives in Milan, and Migrants in Milan and in Other European Cities

In Chapter 3 Pilati presents an empirical analysis of the consequences of a closed political context in Milan on migrants’ civic and political participation. She shows that the levels of migrants’ organizational and political engagement in Milan are among the lowest compared to other European cities, and compared to natives in Milan. The author provides a broad investigation on migrants’ engagement in various types of organizations. She examines migrants’ engagement in organizations active in different sectors, as well as migrants’ engagement in different organizations distinguished by the ethnic composition. In addition, she investigates various types of political activities, namely, conventional and unconventional mainstream and immigrât km-related political activities.

Operativizzare il capitale sociale degli immigrati e delle organizzazioni degli immigrati

The theoretical disorientation concerning the concept of social capital is contrasted with its application to the study of a rich variety of empirical phenomena. Methodologically, social capital has been usefully employed at various analytical levels, micro, meso and macro. The goal of this essay is to emphasize the modalities used to operationalize this concept in the immigration field and so to discuss its impact on immigrants’ political integration. Analytically, we will consider two dimensions related to social capital: structure and relationship. Empirically, we will present immigrants’ social capital both with respect to its meso level dimension concerning immigrants’ organizations and with respect to its individual dimension.