Maj-Britt Mosegaard Hansen

The function of discourse particles.: A study with special reference to spoken standard French

This monograph aims to contribute to linguistic knowledge about the distribution and function of discourse particles, particularly with respect to a small group of particles which are highly frequent in contemporary spoken standard French. The book is divided into two parts. Part 1 (Theory) defines discourse particles as such, and gives a dynamic global approach to their description. Matters such as previous research on discourse particles, related categories of particles, instructional semantics, the difference between speech and writing, the delimitation of discourse units, competing approaches to discourse structure and to coherence, and methodology are discussed extensively. Part 2 (Description) offers in-depth corpus-based analyses of six French discourse particles, namely bon, ben, eh bien, puis, donc , and alors , as used in non-elicted native-speaker interaction. The book is of interest to linguists doing research in semantics, pragmatics and discourse studies.

Inhibitor binding in a class 2 dihydroorotate dehydrogenase causes variations in the membrane-associated N-terminal domain.

The flavin enzyme dihydroorotate dehydrogenase (DHOD; EC 1.3.99.11) catalyzes the oxidation of dihydroorotate to orotate, the fourth step in the de novo pyrimidine biosynthesis of UMP. The enzyme is a promising target for drug design in different biological and clinical applications for cancer and arthritis. The first crystal structure of the class 2 dihydroorotate dehydrogenase from rat has been determined in complex with its two inhibitors brequinar and atovaquone. These inhibitors have shown promising results as anti‐proliferative, immunosuppressive, and antiparasitic agents. A unique feature of the class 2 DHODs is their N‐terminal extension, which folds into a separate domain comprising two α‐helices. This domain serves as the binding site for the two inhibitors and the respiratory quinones acting as the second substrate for the class 2 DHODs. The orientation of the first N‐terminal helix is very different in the two complexes of rat DHOD (DHODR). Binding of atovaquone causes a 12 Å movement of the first residue in the first α‐helix. Based on the information from the two structures of DHODR, a model for binding of the quinone and the residues important for the interactions could be defined. His 56 and Arg 136, which are fully conserved in all class 2 DHODs, seem to play a key role in the interaction with the electron acceptor. The differences between the membrane‐bound rat DHOD and membrane‐associated class 2 DHODs exemplified by the Escherichia coli DHOD has been investigated by GRID computations of the hydrophobic probes predicted to interact with the membrane.

Alors and donc in Spoken French: a Reanalysis

Abstract This paper presents a new analysis of the common French discourse markers alors and donc. After a methodological/theoretical introduction, in which I propose, among other things, a definition of the class of discourse markers, I go on to consider the distribution and semantics of the two particles, mainly in contemporary spoken French, but with some consideration of their diachronic origins and evolution. While a unified semantic account is given for donc, I suggest that alors, which is clearly multifunctional, may usefully be seen as a radial category.

The semantic status of discourse markers

In this paper, I propose a definition of discourse markers, incorporating a discussion of their status within linguistics in general, and more specifically their semantic status. With respect to the latter, I consider at some length what type of semantic theory is needed to account for the meanings and functions of markers. Subsequently, I give a brief overview of some of the more important previous research on markers, and I end by presenting an equally brief exemplary analysis of one specific French discourse marker, namely bon.

A comparative study of the semantics and pragmatics of enfin and finalement , in synchrony and diachrony

This article compares and contrasts two related adverbs, enfin and finalement ,i n synchrony and diachrony. Both are polysemous in contemporary French, and largely intersubstitutable in many contexts. However, the functional range of enfin is much greater than that of finalement. Evidence is presented for the existence of a division of labour, such that speakers seem to favour finalement for more ‘literal’ functions, i.e. for the expression of temporal sequence, whereas enfin is preferred for more

Current trends in diachronic semantics and pragmatics

The focus of this volume is on semantic and pragmatic change, its causes and mechanisms. The papers gathered here offer both theoretical proposals of more general scope and in-depth studies of language-specific cases of meaning change in particular notional domains. The analyses include data from English, several Romance languages, German, Scandinavian languages, and Oceanic languages. Detailed case-studies covering central semantic domains, such as concession, evidentiality, intensification, modality, negation, scalarity, subjectivity, and temporality, allow the authors to test and refine current models of semantic change, by focusing, for instance, on the respective roles of speakers and hearers in the process and on the relationship between semantic and syntactic reanalysis. Key theoretical notions, such as presuppositions, paradigms, word order, and discourse status are revisited in a diachronic perspective to provide innovative accounts of causes and motivations for linguistic changes. A prominent theme is the evolution of procedural meanings of various kinds. Thus, several papers feature different types of pragmatic markers as their object of study, while others are concerned with items and constructions expressing modality, evidentiality, negation, and relational meanings. Closely related themes are: the interface between semantics and pragmatics/discourse, with figurative uses of language, rhetorical-argumentational strategies, discourse traditions, information structure, and the importance of dialogic contexts in change playing a salient role in several papers; the relationship between meaning change and processes such as grammaticalization, subjectification and pragmaticalization; and, the thorny issue of the categorization of linguistic items such as discourse markers or modal particles, evidentials or epistemic modals, to which the diachronic data are shown to contribute substantially. The volume will be of interest to graduate students and researchers in the fields of semantics, pragmatics, discourse analysis, grammaticalization, and historical linguistics.

Puis in Spoken French: from Time Adjunct to Additive Conjunct?

In this paper I present an analysis of the discourse connective puis , as it is used in (relatively) informal spoken French. I argue that this item has been (and possibly still is) subject to a process of grammaticalization, whereby its basic function has changed from that of a time adjunct to that of an additive conjunct taking discourse acts in its scope, with the further possibility that it may be moving towards becoming a true conjunction. I moreover hypothesize that the meaning of conversational puis may be represented as a set of instructions, directing the hearer to search for two and only two elements to be connected, and to understand these two elements to be of separate relevance to a common integrator.

Gci theory and language change

Abstract Levinson (1995, 2000) and Traugott & Dasher (2002) suggest that semantic change proceeds from particularized conversational implicature via generalized conversational implicature to coded meaning. However, this model is ultimately neither theoretically nor empirically tenable. Our alternative proposal builds on the assumption that PCI are in the communicative foreground of a message while GCI are in its background. The following sequences therefore seem to be possible: 1. A PCI semanticizes directly: PCI(* → GCI) → coded meaning. 2. A PCI turns into a GCI, but is not fully semanticized: PCI → GCI (* → coded meaning). 3. A GCI semanticizes, but only after being foregrounded as a PCI: GCI → PCI → coded meaning.

The evolution of negation in French and Italian: similarities and differences

This article examines similarities and differences in the evolution of both standard clause negation and n-word negation in French and Italian. The two languages differ saliently in the extent to which standard negation features postverbal markers. We suggest that a convergence of phonetic, prosodic, morphosyntactic, and pragmatic changes in the evolution of French may explain why the grammaticalization of the postverbal marker is significantly more advanced in that language. Two types of n-word negation must be considered: (i) those where the n-word occurs postverbally, and (ii) those where an n-word is positioned preverbally. In the former type, French allows deletion of the preverbal marker, whereas Italian does so to a much lesser extent. In the second type, French allows (indeed, normatively demands) insertion of a second preverbal negative marker, whereas Italian does not. We suggest that this is attributable to the respective positive vs negative etymologies of the n-words. In type (i) constructions, this etymological difference appears to make Italian a negative-concord language from the outset. In contrast, negative concord in Modern French has, to a large extent, developed gradually out of what was originally a reinforcement of standard negation by positive items with scalar properties. Our analysis suggests that the pace and form of grammaticalization cannot be attributed to any single cause, but is rather the result of a confluence of formal and functional factors.

The syntactic and semiotic status of direct quotes, with reference to French

The present paper investigates the syntactic and semiotic status of direct quotes, using examples mainly from French. Their status as both direct objects and subordinate clauses has frequently been questioned in the literature. I propose that, although it is necessary to make a distinction between ‘canonical’, i.e. syntactically dependent, direct reports and ‘free’ direct reports, the above-mentioned controversy is based on a insufficient consideration of the data, and that the crucial difference between direct and indirect speech is not of a syntactic nature, but is a difference in semiotic status, direct quotes representing a fully grammaticalized form of code-switching. Finally, I argue that a semiotically-oriented grammar is needed to account adequately for the form and meaning of direct quotation.