Maxwell A. Cameron

Latin America's Left Turns: beyond good and bad

Abstract In rapid succession leftwing parties have been elected to government in some of the most important countries in the Latin American region. I challenge the view that there are two distinct variants of the left—one populist, the other social democratic—and argue that variation on the left reflects the diverse conditions under which these forces emerge and evolve. I outline common features shared by the left in Latin America; suggest how the concept of populism and analysis of social movements can help explain this variation; and show how the lefts commitment to egalitarianism, balancing markets, and, in some cases, its appeals to the constituent power of the people enabled it to benefit from disillusionment with the results of neoliberalism, the poor performance of democratic governments in Latin America, and the evolving international context.

The political economy of North American free trade

Framework of discussion the political economiy of Canadian integration the political economy of Mexican integration NAFTA, the United States and new continental relations key sectors.

Latin America's Left Turns: an introduction

Abstract In the wake of a series of electoral victories, often dubbed a ‘pink tide’ by the media, there has seldom been a moment more propitious for the diverse parties, movements and leaders of the Latin American Left. Yet the Left faces daunting challenges, and the diversity of responses to these challenges suggests that there is not one but many left turns. This article, like the collection of essays that it introduces, critiques conventional distinctions between ‘populist’ and ‘social democratic’ currents of the Latin American Left, and argues that the left turns are best described as a multiplicity of disparate efforts to reopen or re-found the constitutional order or social pact. These efforts reveal deep-seated tensions between the Latin American Left and liberalism. The analysis reviews these tensions as well as some of the central policy challenges facing progressive governments and the relationships between social movements and political representation.

Democratization of foreign policy: The Ottawa process as a model

Does the Ottawa Process leading to the signing of an international treaty to ban anti‐personnel landmines in December 1997 represent an example of the democratization of foreign policy through the construction of a partnership between government and civil society? There are two contending views of the democratization of foreign policy. The first is that existing institutions of representation provide an adequate framework for foreign policy‐making. The second is that the quality and performance of democracy would be enhanced by more active public engagement in the foreign policy process. The author argues in favour of the second view, and shows that public diplomacy modeled on the Ottawa Process has the potential to contribute to the quality and vitality of liberal democratic institutions. Moreover, the author finds little evidence to support two objections: 1) that a consultative foreign policy leads to the co‐optation of non‐governmental organizations (NGOs); or 2) that public diplomacy makes policy mak...

The Political Impact of NAFTA on Mexico: Reflections on the Political Economy of Democratization

At the time of the decision to negotiate the North American Free Trade Agreement (NAFTA), advocates argued that closer integration with Canada and the United States would have a democratizing influence on Mexicos political regime (Baer and Weintraub, 1994: 174–79; Pastor, 1993: 67). Critics of the deal suggested just the opposite, insisting that NAFTA might perpetuate or even reinvigorate authoritarian rule (Aguilar Zinser, 1993: 203–15; Castaneda 1996). With the breakthrough elections of July 2000 and the transfer of executive power to an opposition party the — PAN, or National Action Party — it is timely to ask: were the advocates of NAFTA right all along? Was NAFTA the impetus for Mexicos long overdue transition to democracy?

Global civil society and the Ottawa process: Lessons from the movement to ban anti‐personnel mines

(1999). Global civil society and the Ottawa process: Lessons from the movement to ban anti‐personnel mines. Canadian Foreign Policy Journal: Vol. 7, No. 1, pp. 85-102.

The Politics of the Urban Informal Sector in Peru: Populism, Class, And “Redistributive Combines”

AbstractThe political implications of the growth of the informal sector have received little attention in research on Latin America. This article examines ecological correlations between the size of the informal sector, as well as income strata, and voting in Lima, Peru. It seeks to explain a major reorientation of the populist party APRA toward the informal sector, the persistent inability of the right to win support from the informal sector and other lower income groups, and the electoral decline of the left despite its historically strong ties to the informal sector and the urban poor. Finally the article discusses the status of class in Peruvian politics and concludes that the expansion of informal economic activities makes the class position of workers more ambiguous, and voting patterns more unstable. Thus, the growth of the informal sector implies a flight from the traditional party system as well as from formal economic arrangements.

North American Free Trade Negotiations:: Liberalization Games between Asymmetric Players

Why has Mexico shifted from a defecting free-rider on the international trading system to a conceding free-trader? An analytical model of bargaining between asymmetric players is developed to show how cooperation can be achieved through the strategic use of side payments. Mexico made concessions beyond the conventional agenda of trade negotiations (liberalizing investment rules, financial services, intellectual property rights, labor and environmental standards) in an effort to alter the payoff for the United States, and thereby create a game with a more optimal solution for both countries. Market liberalization between Mexico and the United States is analyzed over three periods (the 1980 GATT decision, GATT accession in 1986, and NAFTA and supplemental negotiations in 1991-3), and changes are identified leading to different types of games. The model achieves two results — (1) it helps explain the shift in Mexican policy from nationalism to liberalization, and (2) it shows how side payments can be used as part of a strategy of game change.

Strengthening checks and balances: Democracy defence and promotion in the Americas

The Inter‐American Democratic Charter fails to specify the meaning of an “unconstitutional alteration or interruption of the democratic order.” Arguing that the principle threat to democracy in Americas is the violation of the separation of powers by democratically elected leaders, five conditions are outlined to specify when such an alteration has occurred. The crisis in Peru in 2000 is examined to show how the presence of these conditions gave rise to the Charter, and the crisis in Venezuela in April 2002 is used as a test of the Charter. The paper concludes with recommendations for strengthening the Charter.

Negotiating North American Free Trade

Negotiators for powerful, self-reliant states tend to be less responsive to weak states relative to domestic constituents, while negotiators for states entangled in ties of asymmetric interdependence with more powerful states tend to be more responsive to the demands of powerful states than to the demands of domestic constituents. Asymmetrical power does not necessarily lead to asymmetrical results, however, because negotiators in weaker states may, nevertheless, have more attractive non-agreement alternatives and a longer shadow of the future. Negotiators with attractive non-agreement alternatives will be more willing to put agreement at risk by withholding concessions in the negotiation process. Centralized and vertical institutions are often a bargaining liability precisely because weak states tend to be less responsive to domestic constituents, whereas divided government can be a major asset. These propositions are demonstrated through an analysis and reconstruction of the North American Free Trade negotiation process.