Michael P. Costeloe
University of Bristol
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Americas | 1987
Michael P. Costeloe
Preface Acknowledgements 1. An introduction 2. Revolution: the view from Spain 3. The military solution 4. The logistics of reconquest 5. Economic and commercial reform 6. The aftermath of imperial decline 7. A new relationship 8. The diplomatic initiative Epilogue Notes Sources and works cited Index.
Mexican Studies | 1988
Michael P. Costeloe
El presente trabajo es un analisis del pronunciamiento de Valentin Gomez Farias y Jose Urrea, ocurrido del 15 al 27 de julio de 1840. Pone de relieve su significado politico, la organizacion y logistica de los rebeldes, asi como las perspectivas y reacciones contemporaneas.
Bulletin of Latin American Research | 1989
Michael P. Costeloe
there were only four brief occasions on which the executive branch enjoyed unrestricted dominance. Indeed, one feature of the period which has been neither analysed nor appreciated is the role of the legislative power, particularly the national congress which from 1822 onwards was summoned and met, with one or two gaps, more or less continuously. The military certainly dominated the route to executive authority at both national and state levels through the pronunciamiento or revolt, but the generals, including and perhaps above all Santa Anna, were singularly unable to control the national congress which was always largely composed of popularly elected civilians. One ofthe root causes of Mexicos pohtical instability, therefore, was that relations between the executive and legislative branches were almost always turbulent and hostile. The generals who occupied the presidency each had their own approach to their problems with the congress. Santa Annas solution was basically two-fold: he would take leave from the presidency to lead the army or to rest at his country estate, or, when he felt he had the political support, he used the army to dismiss the congress and declared its
Journal of Latin American Studies | 1988
Michael P. Costeloe
Anastasio Bustamante is one of the forgotten men of early nineteenth-century Mexican history. Like many of his contemporaries during the so-called age of Santa Anna – Jose Maria Tornel, Gabriel Valencia, Juan Nepomuceno Almonte, Mariano Paredes y Arrillaga, to name only a few – he has attracted scant attention of biographers and little serious study has been made of his long and eventful career. Yet Bustamante was in full control of the presidency, as president or vice-president, for a longer period in total than any president before Porfirio Diaz and he presided over crucial stages in the nations development from colony to sovereign republic. By ideological conviction or political expediency – it is still not clear which – he came to be the figurehead of the conservative, traditionalist forces in Mexican society which struggled to preserve not only their economic control but also their religious, social and moral values against what they considered to be the destructive onslaught of increasingly fashionable and radical liberal ideas. Born in 1780 at Jiquilpan (Michoacan), son of Spanish parents, trained as a doctor, Bustamante fought for the royalist cause in the war of independence until he joined with Iturbide in the plan of Iguala (1821). Various important political posts followed and he first rose to supreme power in 1829 when, as vice-president, he successfully led a rebellion against president Vicente Guerrero.
Mexican Studies | 1999
Michael P. Costeloe
Este articulo versa sobre la deuda externa de Mexico en el siglo dicinueve. Revela la manera en que los acreedores britanicos, representados por su Committee of Mexican Bondholders (Comite de Tenedores de Bonos Mexicanos) y su agente, Francis Falconnet, negociaron el pago en efectivo de 2.5 millones de dolares del dinero de indemnizacion pagada por Estados Unidos despues de la guerra Mexico-Estados Unidos de 1846-1848. Las transacciones financieras internacionales; los intereses gubernamentales franceses, estadounidenses y britanicos; la politica mexicana domestica y la probable corrupcion de la elite politica mexicana, son algunos de los temas explorados en este ensayo. This article concerns Mexico9s nineteenth-century foreign debt. It reveals how British creditors, represented by their Committee of Mexican Bond holders and its agent, Francis Falconnet, negotiated payment in cash of 2.5 million of the indemnity money paid by the United States after the Mexican-U. S. War of 1846-1848. International financial transactions; French, U.S., and British government interests; and Mexican domestic politics and probably corruption in Mexico9s political elite are among several themes in this essay.
Bulletin of Latin American Research | 1999
Michael P. Costeloe
Abstract This article examines the 1850 presidential election in Mexico. It is divided into five sections: party political background, electoral regulations, candidates, campaign, results. General Mariano Arista was the successful candidate in what was the first genuinely contested presidential election since independence.
Mexican Studies | 1997
Michael P. Costeloe
El presente articulo se ocupa del desarrollo que tuvieron los festejos que anualmente se llevan a cabo en la ciudad de Mexico para celebrar el dia de la independencia. La elaboracion del programa de actividades para los dias 16 y 27 de septiembre era responsabilidad de una Junta Patriotica. Esta Junta, integrada por voluntarios, se renovaba cada ano mediante una eleccion y se encargaba de las finanzas, administracion y ceremonial de los festejos. Se describe aqui la integracion de la Junta, sus finanzas, regulaciones e implicaciones politicas durante la epoca de Santa Anna.
Bulletin of Latin American Research | 1993
Michael P. Costeloe; Susan Deans-Smith
A government monopoly provides an excellent case study of state-society relationships. This is especially true of the tobacco monopoly in colonial Mexico, whose revenues in the later half of the eighteenth century were second only to the silver tithe as the most valuable source of government income. This comprehensive study of the tobacco monopoly illuminates many of the most important themes of eighteenth-century Mexican social and economic history, from issues of economic growth and the supply of agricultural credit to rural relations, labor markets, urban protest and urban workers, class formation, work discipline, and late colonial political culture. Drawing on exhaustive research of previously unused archival sources, Susan Deans-Smith examines a wide range of new questions. Who were the bureaucrats who managed this colonial state enterprise and what policies did they adopt to develop it? How profitable were the tobacco manufactories, and how rational was their organization? What impact did the reorganization of the tobacco trade have upon those people it affected most--the tobacco planters and tobacco workers? This research uncovers much that was not previously known about the Bourbon governments management of the tobacco monopoly and the problems and limitations it faced. Deans-Smith finds that there was as much continuity as change after the monopolys establishment, and that the popular response was characterized by accommodation, as well as defiance and resistance. She argues that the problems experienced by the monopoly at the beginning of the nineteenth century did not originate from any simmering, entrenched opposition. Rather, an emphasis upon political stabilityand short-term profits prevented any innovative reforms that might have improved the monopolys long-term performance and productivity. With detailed quantitative data and rare material on the urban working poor of colonial Mexico, Bureaucrats, Planters, and Workers will be important reading for all students of social, economic, and labor history, especially of Mexico and Latin America.
Bulletin of Latin American Research | 1987
Michael P. Costeloe; Brian Hamnett
List of maps Acknowledgements Weights and measures Introduction 1. Social tensions in the provinces 2. Insurgency - characteristics and responses 3. Conflict, protest and rebellion 4. Death and dislocation 5. Insurrection - recruitment and extension 6. The struggle for Puebla, 1811-13 7. Local conflict and provincial chieftains 8. Conclusion Notes Bibliography Index.
Journal of Latin American Studies | 1981
Michael P. Costeloe
A prominent feature of Spains response to the rebellions of its Latin American colonies, both during the constitutional regime of 1810–1814 and the absolutist system of Ferdinand VII from 1814–1820, was wide-spread bureaucratic confusion. When Jose Garcia de Leon y Pizarro became Secretary of State in 1816, he found the whole question of the pacification of America in a deplorable state which had reached ‘un punto de exasperacion increible’ 1 In a Council of State session of December 1816, the Navy Minister, Jose Vazquez de Figueroa, angrily denounced the red tape and inefficient administrative system in which decisions were lost in ‘una verdadera lucha de papeles’. 2