Nicola McEwen

State Welfare Nationalism: The Territorial Impact of Welfare State Development in Scotland

Several theorists of liberal nationalism have argued in recent years that a shared national identity is an essential pre-requisite to the shared solidarity underpinning systems of state welfare (Miller, 1995: 50–80; Seymour, 1999: 223–31; Tamir, 1995: 117–48). This article reverses these arguments in its consideration of the relationship between the welfare state and attachment to the national state. It argues that in providing state welfare and employing the language of shared national identity and solidarity in so doing, the welfare state served a nation-building purpose, reinforcing identification with and attachment to the state as a nation. In multinational states, in particular, where the legitimacy to speak on behalf of ‘the people’ may be open to challenge from a nation within the state, the development of the welfare state may have helped to promote solidarity across the state territory and integrate the citizens of sub-state nations within its boundaries. From the late 1970s, the UK witnessed an increase in neo-liberal rhetoric in political debate and, to a lesser extent, the emergence of neoliberal assumptions in public policy-making, giving rise to a partial retrenchment of the programmes and provisions of the welfare state. This article considers the extent to which such developments restricted the capacity of the state to promote a national unity built upon the solidarity of the welfare state. The promotion of a flexible, free-market economy with minimal state intervention, albeit often more rhetorical than real, may have influenced perceptions regarding the extent to which the state can protect existing social programmes and address social and economic needs. In nations within states where a nationalist challenge is evident in demands for autonomy or independence, welfare reform and retrenchment may have diminished the continued appeal and security offered by national states visa-vis the uncertainty of enhanced sub-state autonomy, in turn reinforcing support for constitutional change. This article focuses upon the position of Scotland within the UK. First, it considers the extent to which the post-war welfare state developed as, and

The territorial politics of social policy development in multi-level states

Abstract This article examines policy divergence and convergence from the perspective of territorial politics. It considers the significance and consequences of policy divergence, and the manner in which public policies are used to serve territorial objectives in multi-level states. It argues that the practice of assuming policy ownership, and the contest for policy control, have more significance for territorial politics than does the divergence or convergence of public policy. Its focus is on Scotland and the UK, but it draws upon the experiences of Quebec and Canada to gain insight into the territorial politics of policy development in a multi-level and multi-national state.

Introduction: Devolution and public policy in comparative perspective

Abstract Devolution has transferred important policy competences to sub-state levels in Europe but there has been little research on the effect of this on policy choices. Studies of the United Kingdom, Spain and Belgium illustrate different patterns, dependent on the allocation of competences, historic influences, policy communities and political conditions.

Do Shared Values Underpin National Identity? Examining the Role of Values in National Identity in Canada and the United Kingdom

This article examines whether shared national values form a vital component in the construction and development of national identity. In so doing, it challenges Kymlicka and Norman in their assumption that shared values have little relevance for national identity. Drawing upon competing nationalist discourses in Canada, Quebec, Scotland and the United Kingdom, we argue that the idea of shared values serves as a useful tool in shaping and reinforcing national identities within multinational states. Such values contribute to defining the collective conception of national identity, describing who we are as a people, and what it is that binds us together while distinguishing us from others.

Intergovernmental Relations in the UK: Continuity in a Time of Change?:

Party political incongruence in the UK after 2007 has had a moderate effect on both the machinery of intergovernmental relations and the dominant modes of intergovernmental interaction. In assessing changes in intergovernmental structures, we find more frequent meetings and more formalised interactions. A preference for informal bilateral exchange, however, still prevails. In assessing changes in the nature of intergovernmental relations, we find some intensification of conflict, but amid continued co-operation. While one might find more pronounced changes after longer periods of party political incongruence, we argue that the limited effect observed thus far can be traced back to: (i) formal-legal features of the UK multi-level polity; (ii) the nature of the policy sectors requiring intergovernmental co-ordination (iii); the specific political dynamics within the constituent governments; and (iv) the mitigating role and structure of non-elected institutions such as the civil service and the judiciary.

Revolution or evolution?: The 2007 Scottish Elections

The Scottish parliamentary and local elections of 2007 were significant for two key reasons: the SNP was brought to power for the first time in its history, posing a fundamental challenge to the 300-year Scottish-English Union; and the local elections used the Single Transferable Vote - the first time such an electoral system has been used in Great Britain since 1945. This book will explore the significance of these two developments, asking whether they herald a revolutionary break with the past or simply mark a continuing evolution of existing patterns of Scottish politics. It does so using a unique source of evidence - representative high quality annual sample surveys of the Scottish public that since 1999 have regularly measured how people in Scotland have reacted to devolution and how they have behaved in elections. Readers will gain an unparalleled insight into the identities, attitudes and electoral behaviour of people in Scotland during the first decade of devolution.

Introduction: Political Opposition in a Multi-Level Context

This short introduction sets out the rationale for the special issue. It introduces the concepts of intergovernmental relations (IGR) and party political incongruence which are central to the analyses contained in the issue. It considers the nature and form of intergovernmental relations in the early years of devolution, under conditions of predominant party congruence in the composition of the central and sub-state governments. It then develops the hypothesised relationship between party political incongruence and intergovernmental relations, focusing on the nature and structure of IGR. It introduces the key questions to be addressed in the issue and each of the subsequent contributions which explore this relationship in greater depth.

Between Autonomy and Interdependence: The Challenges of Shared Rule after the Scottish Referendum

Drawing on the distinction between self-rule and shared rule in multilevel states, this article argues that shared rule has been the neglected element of the UK devolution settlement. The ability of the devolved administrations to participate in, and influence, national decision making through shared rule mechanisms is very limited. The article argues that the lack of shared rule is especially problematic in light of the increasing complexity of the Scottish devolution settlement in the wake of the Scotland Act 2012 and the Smith commission report. Smith, in particular, seems set to increase both the power of the Scottish Parliament and its dependence on UK policy decisions in the areas of tax, welfare and the economy. Creating a more robust intergovernmental system which could manage these new interdependencies will be a significant challenge, and yet, without such a system, the new settlement will be difficult to sustain.

Empowered for Action?: Capacities and constraints in sub-state government climate action in Scotland and Wales

Sub-state governments have emerged as important sites of climate policy innovation, but their capacity for action has rarely been examined. Although they are devolved regions within the same state, Scotland and Wales have varying degrees of constitutional competence. We conduct an inter- and intra-regional comparison to examine whether constitutional competence shapes the scale of ambition and achievement in climate policy outputs and outcomes. Focusing on emission reduction programmes and renewable energy, while there is a clear relationship between constitutional capacity and policy ambition, the impact of constitutional capacity is more evident in the capacity to deliver than in policy ambition. Other factors, such as civil society strength and the politics of territorial distinctiveness, also matter in shaping ambition, in spite of limitations in decision-making autonomy.

SUB-STATE CLIMATE PIONEERS: THE CASE OF SCOTLAND

Climate change poses a global challenge, but many of the most ambitious and innovative efforts to confront it have emerged from the sub-state level. While such action has received significant attention in North America, less attention has been paid to European sub-state nations and regions, even though several of these regions are at the forefront of policy efforts to reduce carbon emissions and promote renewable energy. This article begins to fill that knowledge gap. It explores the puzzle as to why, and how, given their more limited scope for policy action, some sub-state governments position themselves as ‘climate pioneers’. The article undertakes a heuristic case study of Scotland, which has developed a particularly ambitious climate change and renewable energy programme. Drawing on public policy literature, we use the case study to consider the extent to which such ambition is enabled by constitutional and fiscal capacity, facilitated by a cohesive policy network, and motivated by economic and political goals. While we find evidence of these enabling features in the Scottish case, we argue that understanding sub-state climate action also necessitates examining such action through the lens of territorial politics. Adopting a territorial perspective highlights the opportunities, constraints and motivations associated with the politics of territorial identity and multi-level government.