Niels Spierings

Social media, parties, and political inequalities

This book examines how social media have transformed politics in established democracies. Specifically, the authors examine the influence of the unique qualities of social media on the power balance between and within parties. They present a general theory as well as an in-depth case study of the Netherlands and compare it to the US and European democracies. The authors show how and why social medias introduction leads to equalization for some and normalization for others. Additional to national politics, Jacobs and Spierings investigate often-overlooked topics such as local and European politics and the impact on women and ethnic minorities.

The inclusion of quantitative techniques and diversity in the mainstream of feminist research

Much is written about quantitative techniques and feminist and gender studies. Despite convincing arguments in favour of utilizing these methods, they are still largely absent in the heartland of gender studies. In this article, this is related to the observation that methods are tied to epistemological positions and consequently quantitative studies are a priori associated with overgeneralization. A new perspective – the diversity continuum – is presented in order to contextualize research and make it possible to judge it relatively. This shows that quantitative research can increase the understanding of differences and similarities. Subsequently, it is discussed how quantitative research can be utilized to understand differences between people using existing basic techniques. In line with the conceptualization of diversity, this includes techniques to study intersectionality and how developments have different effects on men and women. The continuum and techniques are illustrated by an example of political interest (in the Dominican Republic).

Gender and populist radical-right politics: An introduction

Populist parties have become a prominent and permanent feature of contemporary politics. Although populism is not a new phenomenon, it has been on the rise across the globe in recent years. Contemporary manifestations of populism include the late Hugo Chávez in Venezuela, Evo Morales in Bolivia, and the Tea Party in the United States. In Europe, particularly populist radical-right (PRR) parties began to appear in the late 1980s and the early 1990s, becoming arguably the most successful ‘new’ political party family in decades. There is no shortage of scholarship on the PRR. The focus is generally on defining it, on why PRR parties are successful, and on their influence on governments, party systems and public policy. Despite this abundant literature, research rarely focuses on the relationship between gender and the populist radical right. To be sure, there are a few important studies on the topic. The most extensive survey of the literature is provided by Cas Mudde in the chapter ‘Männerparteien’ in his 2007 book Populist Radical Right Parties in Europe. Here Mudde discusses a few studies on the topic, most notably one by Helga Amesberger and Brigitte Halbmayr that, he argues, is one of the few proper studies of the relationship between populism and gender. However, given that the study was published in German, its impact has been limited. More recently, a number of studies have been published that examine how the

Gendering the vote for populist radical-right parties

ABSTRACT Why do more men than women vote for populist radical-right (PRR) parties? And do more men than women still vote for the PRR? Can attitudes regarding gender and gender equality explain these differences (if they exist)? These are the questions that Spierings and Zaslove explore in this article. They begin with an analysis of mens and womens voting patterns for PRR parties in seven countries, comparing these results with voting for mainstream (left-wing and right-wing) parties. They then examine the relationship between attitudes and votes for the populist radical right, focusing on economic redistribution, immigration, trust in the European Union, law and order, environmental protection, personal freedom and development, support for gender equality, and homosexuality. They conclude that more men than women do indeed support PRR parties, as many studies have previously demonstrated. However, the difference is often overemphasized in the literature, in part since it is examined in isolation and not compared with voting for (centre-right) mainstream parties. Moreover, the most important reasons that voters support PRR parties seem to be the same for men and for women; both vote for the populist radical right because of their opposition to immigration. In general, there are no consistent cross-country patterns regarding gender attitudes explaining differences between men and women. There are some recurring country-specific findings though. Most notably: first, among women, economic positions seem to matter less; and economically more left-wing (and those with anti-immigrant attitudes) women also vote for the PRR in Belgium, France, Norway and Switzerland; and, second, those who hold authoritarian or nativist views in combination with a strong belief that gays and lesbians should be able to ‘live their lives as they choose’ are disproportionately much more likely to vote for PRR parties in Sweden and Norway. Despite these findings, Spierings and Zaslove argue that the so-called ‘gender gap’ is often overemphasized. In other words, it appears that populist radical-right parties, with respect to sex and gender, are in many ways simply a more radical version of centre-right parties.

The influence of Islamic orientations on democratic support and tolerance in five Arab countries

Conclusions from empirical analyses on how Islam influences democratic attitudes in Arab countries differ widely, and the field suffers from conceptual ambiguity and largely focuses on “superficial” democratic support. Based on the non-Middle Eastern literature, this study provides a more systematic theoretical and empirical assessment of the linkages between Islamic attitudes and the popular support for democracy. I link belonging (affiliation), commitment (religiosity), orthodoxy, Muslim political attitudes, and individual-level political Islamism to the support for democracy and politico-religious tolerance. Statistical analyses on seven WVS surveys for Egypt, Iraq, Jordan, Morocco, and Saudi Arabia show that tolerance levels are remarkably lower than “democratic support”; the influence of being (committed or orthodox) Muslim and Muslim political attitudes are negligible however. Political Islamist views strongly affect tolerance negatively. They also influence “support for democracy,” but if the opposition in an authoritarian country is Islamic, these attitudes actually strengthen this support.

Conclusion: Dividing the populist radical right between 'liberal nativism' and traditional conceptions of gender

As noted in the introduction to this special issue, there is no shortage of scholarship on the populist radical right (PRR). This research, in part, examines the role of women, focusing on gender and the sex gap. Given the predominance of male leaders, the traditional and family oriented ideology of PRR parties, and their disproportionate male support, at first glance, it does not seem unreasonable to refer to the PRR as Männerparteien. However, as noted, in the introduction, Cas Mudde questions the degree to which this label is empirically correct as well as the degree to which the socalled maleness of the parties, when compared to mainstream parties, is in fact an exaggeration. These questions lie at the core of this special issue. The focus of the articles is on the (linkage between the) demand—voters— and supply—ideology and leadership—sides of PRR politics; on whether it is possible to identify patterns that hold across the party family (and across time) or whether the issue of gender is more idiosyncratic and specific to the political context; and on whether the shared gender characteristics of PRR parties distinguish these parties from other party families, such as conservative liberals or Christian democratic parties. In line with the literature on the PRR, each of the articles focuses on PRR parties in Western Europe, the heartland of this party family. In addition, this special issue compares the PRR with other parties, such as Latin American leftwing populist parties, neoliberal populist parties, mainstream conservative parties, left-wing and centre-right parties, and Eastern European PRR parties.

Gender, populist attitudes, and voting: explaining the gender gap in voting for populist radical right and populist radical left parties

Abstract Empirical studies have demonstrated that compared to almost all other parties, populist radical right (PRR) parties draw more votes from men than from women. However, the two dominant explanations that are generally advanced to explain this disparity – gender differences regarding socio-economic position and lower perceptions regarding the threat of immigrants – cannot fully explain the difference. The article contends that it might actually be gender differences regarding the conceptualisation of society and politics – populist attitudes – that explain the gender gap. Thus, the gap may be due, in part, to differences in socialisation. The article analyses EES 2014 data on voting for the populist radical right and the populist radical left in nine European countries. Across countries, the gender gap in voting for the PRR is indeed partly explained by populist attitudes. For populist radical left parties, the results are less clear, suggesting that populism has different meanings to voters on the left and on the right.

'Sexually modern nativist voters': Do they exist and do they vote for the populist radical right?

ABSTRACT Populist radical right (PRR) parties have attracted anti-migration voters by claiming to serve the interests of nationally defined in-groups. Recently, several European PRR parties have shifted focus from protecting traditional values to protecting so-called modern Western values, including lesbian, gay, bisexual, and transgender rights. Here, we study whether PRR parties managed to attract voters who hold these modern values. In contrast with previous research, we do not position these voters with ‘modern values’ as necessary opponents of nativist voters. European Social Survey data linked to 29 elections demonstrate that the likelihood to vote for PRR parties is somewhat lower among lesbian and gay rights people, but not for those who have strong anti-migration attitudes. However, this effect differs across countries and in some cases, the ‘sexually modern nativists’ have the highest PRR voting likelihoods. This is not directly related to the parties’ position on modern family values, but to the party system and alternative right-wing parties present.

2,000 Families: Identifying the research potential of an origins-of-migration study

ABSTRACT Despite recent advances, critical areas in the analysis of European migration remain underdeveloped. We have only a limited understanding of the consequences of migration for migrants and their descendants, relative to staying behind; and our insights of intergenerational transmission is limited to two generations of those living in the destination countries. These limitations stem from a paucity of studies that incorporate comparison with non-migrants – and return migrants – in countries of origin and which trace processes of intergenerational transmission over multiple generations. This paper outlines the theoretical and methodological discussions in the field, design and data of the 2,000 Families study. The study comprises almost 50,000 members of migrant and non-migrant Turkish families across three family generations, living in Turkey and eight European countries. We provide indicative findings from the study, framed within a theoretical perspective of “dissimilation” from origins, and reflect on its potential for future migration research.

Saturation or maturation? The diffusion of Twitter and its impact on preference voting in the Dutch general elections of 2010 and 2012

ABSTRACT Does social-media usage (e.g. Twitter) influence candidates’ number of votes? Recent studies have shown that a modest impact might exist. However, these studies used data on elections in which only a limited group of politicians used Twitter. In such a context it was easy for a candidate to stand out. It remains to be seen whether the effect holds in times of widespread usage. This study compares a low-usage with a widespread-usage election, the Dutch 2010 and 2012 national elections respectively. It utilizes unique data on all 1024 candidates of the ‘large’ parties. Interestingly, even in the context of widespread Twitter usage we still find a positive association between Twitter use and preference votes.