Noor Sulastry Yurni Ahmad

Satira Politik: Analisis Internet Trolling di Malaysia (Political Satire: Analysis on the Internet Trolling in Malaysia)

Political satire is a form of political communication composed of various types. Lately, political satire via the Internet is thriving in Malaysia. Internet trolling is available in the form of memes or video and is one of the fascinating medium used in social media as a means of delivering information. This phenomenon has been transmitted in most social media applications. Internet trolling used against political leaders is seen as a type ofpolitical sarcasm. This has become an online phenomenon as part of political news utilised by netizens. This is due to the Internet as a medium of information which is free and easy to access. This article focuses on the participation by the social media users in politicalcommunication via political satire. The design of this study is based on some limited numbers of literature review and theory of social mobilisation and Uses and gratifications theory. The qualitative content analysis is chosen as the research methodology. Facebook is utilised as the medium of analysis through comments selected on Facebook as analytics unit. This study concludes that the phenomenon of political trolling in social media is an indicator that the culture of freedom of speech among the people is progressing. Although the political trolling that has been dispersed through various social media applications is somewhat outrageous, yet these leaders continue to carry out their respective duties regardless of their extreme satire.

A Study of Village Regulation Making Process in the Village of Adat Saibatin Community in Cukuh Balak Sub-district, Tanggamus District, Lampung Province, Indonesia

This research studied the village regulation making process based on the Law No. 32/2004 and the relationships among head of village, administrators of Village Consultative Board (Badan Permusyawaratan Desa/ BPD / BHP ), and adat leaders in the village of Adat Saibatin community. The research was conducted in several villages of Cukuh Balak sub-district, Tanggamus district, Lampung province, Indonesia in 2012. The data were collected by employing interview and observation. The results of this study showed that the regulation making process in the village of Adat Saibatin community did not have clear stages to which the regulations were made unilaterally by the head of the village himself/herself. The adat leaders’ participation as community leaders in the villages almost disappeared and unstated in the regulations. Furthermore, Village Consultative Board was also in a weak position due to the absence of deliberation and agreement as the core principle known as the villages’ law in the process of making the regulations.

Ambiguity in Indonesian Cartelized Democracy: An Analysis on the Political Communication

AbstractThis paper describes and analyzes political parties in Indonesia’s democratic transition from their political communication patterns in ambiguity of cartelized democracy, where political parties work together to enjoy the state’s resources and conflict simultaneously. Three conceptions are being used to explain the patterns of political communication occur among coalition parties: first is the output of political process, which contains political impression management and substantive action; secondly, the definition of the situation; and finally the cartel party. The conclusion shows that of political communication among coalition parties tend to be most stable when there is an entity that could dominate the popularity and public support. The pattern changed to be in conflict when there is no one could dominate the popularity and political structure.

The transformation in Malaysia's 12th general election: the end of National Front Hegemony

The ruling party Barisan Nasional (National Front) inherited the trust and tradition initiated by the Alliance Party that achieved the Malayan Independence. The Alliance first test was the Kuala Lumpur Municipal Councils election in 1952 where they won convincingly 12 out of 14 seats. The support continued in the 1955 General Election, where they won 51 out of 52 seats contested. Nevertheless in the 1969 election, the Alliance has experienced a major loss when they failed to get the two-third majority and even lost several state governments to the opposition. This party later changed its name into National Front in 1972 and simultaneously expanded their components into a bigger coalition party. It has become a unique political formula in Malaysian politics to reduce politicking and keeping the divided ethnicized parties together. The National Front kept on winning in 1974, 1978, 1982, 1986, 1990, 1995, 1999 and 2004 elections handsomely. The dominance of National Front in most General Elections proved that its strength cannot be challenged easily. The supremacy however, started to deteriorate in the 2008 recent General Election when the two-third usual majority was suddenly denied. The ability of the opposition to deny National Front its majority has put the National Front into a very difficult position. Using Gramscian concept of hegemony, this paper tries to elaborate how National Front has successfully maintained their power until suffering big loss in 2008.