Patricia Daley

Black Africans in Great Britain: Spatial Concentration and Segregation

Research on Britains African population has been rather limited, which is partly due to the lack of data. The 1991 Census gave official recognition to the increasing permanency of the African population through the introduction of the ethnic category Black African, which enumerated the groups population at 212 362 and resulted in a vast amount of illuminating demographic and socioeconomic data. This paper draws heavily on this database. It is clear that the Black-African group tends to have similar spatial patterns to the Black-Caribbean, but a high degree of segregation from whites and other ethnic groups. This can be explained through discrimination, economic marginalisation and poor social housing, although cultural factors do contribute to the pattern. It is suggested that Black-African concentrations may begin to disperse to replicate the current suburbanisation experience of the Black Caribbean.

Challenges to peace: conflict resolution in the great lakes region of Africa

Abstract Efforts to bring peace and reconstruction to the Central African region have been fashioned by contemporary conflict resolution models that have a standard formula of peace negotiations, with a trajectory of ceasefire agreements, transitional governments, demilitarization, constitutional reform and ending with democratic elections. Local dynamics and the historical and multifaceted nature of the conflicts are rarely addressed. Furthermore, participants in the peace process are restricted to representatives of political parties, the state and rebel movements, to the exclusion of civil society. Using as examples the conflicts and peace processes in three Great Lakes countries—Rwanda, Burundi and the Democratic Republic of Congo—the paper contends that contemporary global frameworks for peacemaking and peace building that rest on the acceptance of neoliberal political and economic models cannot lay the foundations for the conditions necessary for sustainable peace. This necessitates the utilisation of a more inclusive concept of peace, the starting point of which has to be the emancipation of African humanity.

The Burundi Peace Negotiations: An African Experience of Peace--making

Contemporary peace negotiations in Africa reflect perceived changes in the nature of warfare in the post-Cold War, neo-liberal era. ‘New wars’ are characterised as predominantly civil warfare that is non-ideological, fuelled by identity-politics and driven by greed or grievance. Neo-liberal approaches to conflict resolution involve a multiplicity of state and non-state actors, both protagonists and mediators, and promote universally-applicable solutions, such as power-sharing and the extension of market-based economic systems. These have had limited success in Africa because they have been unable to transform the social system within which violence and inequalities are embedded. Through an examination of the Burundi peace process, particularly, the Arusha peace negotiations – their origins, actors, debates, agreements and recommendations – this article highlights the discursive practices of neo-liberal peace-making and exposes its inherent limitations in creating any meaningful transformation of the political space. It is argued here that peace negotiations can be perceived as political struggles, beyond that envisaged between the belligerents, due to the prevalence of a multitude of supporting actors seeking to promote vested interests. Consequently, the resulting peace agreement is not necessarily consensual or reflective of a compromise for the sake of peace; it marks, essentially, a temporary stalemate in the power play between international, regional and local actors and their competing visions of peace. This explains why the ‘liberal’ peace that is attained through these manoeuvrings is one that appears to uphold the sovereignty of the state, but is not transformative with regards to the security of the people.

Refugees, idps and Citizenship Rights: the perils of humanitarianism in the African Great Lakes region

Abstract Persistent civil warfare has created a crisis of protection for vulnerable refugees/returnees and internally displaced people ( idps ) in the African Great Lakes region. This is in the context of increasing state hostility towards refugees, intensified inter-group competition among citizens, and rising xenophobia towards African ‘foreigners’. Humanitarian solutions are often de-contextualised from struggles over entitlements, citizenship and exclusionary practices based on social hierarchies, ethnicity and indigeneity. Hence, they tend to contribute to rather than alleviate the marginality experienced by the displaced. This article argues for further exploration of the processes of identity construction that accompany displacement and humanitarianism and their problematic relationship with sovereignty and citizenship. It suggests that transcending marginality requires greater emphasis on political agency within refugee and idp communities—for their voices to be part of negotiations and conversations on repatriation and integration—in order for them to rejoin the political community.

The appeal of third termism and militarism in Burundi

The recent political crisis that has engulfed Burundi since the announcement on 25 April 2015 by Burundi’s ruling party Conseil National pour la Défense de la Démocratie – Forces pour la Défense de la Démocratie (CNDD/FDD) that its leader and president, Pierre Nkurunziza, was endorsed as its candidate for the planned June 2015 presidential elections for an unconstitutional third term, was not unexpected by those who follow Burundi’s politics. Nkurunziza never concealed his desire to run and those opposed to his candidacy have never hidden their intention to contest it. Burundians took to the streets of Bujumbura, and such demonstrations have led to the death of over 80 people, mainly protestors killed by the security forces (Amnesty International 2015). Post-election violence persists with tit-for-tat killing of ruling party members and opposition leaders and supporters. In addition, over 170,000 people have fled as refugees to neighbouring countries to escape the violence and insecurity (UNHCR 2015). The protests were foreseeable, perhaps even inevitable, occurring against a backdrop of sustained militarism, political and economic repression, intimidation, marginalisation and exclusion, and widespread fear. Most observers misjudged the extent to which Nkurunziza was able to defy his citizens and most of international public opinion. He survived an attempted coup on 13 May 2015 whilst attending an East African Community (EAC) meeting on the crisis in Burundi in Dar es Salaam, Tanzania, held elections from which he emerged victorious, and has continued to repress violently those opposed to his third term – within and outside of his party, taking Burundi to the precipice of civil war. The assassination of General Adolphe Nshimirimana, the head of the National Intelligence Service (SNR) on 2 August 2015, signalled an escalation of the conflict and was a major blow to the regime, since the General was central to the ability of the state to resist the coup and ran the notorious SNR, which, reportedly, has been involved in some of the arbitrary arrests and torture (Amnesty International 2015). Nkurunziza’s ability to enforce his third-term bid, despite widespread opposition within and outside his party, is dependent on several factors, both internal and external: from the complexity of the political forces within Burundi, to the role of the EAC and the strength of the military – a development attributable to the presence of Burundian peace-keepers in United Nations and regional peace-keeping missions, notably the African Union Mission in Somalia (AMISOM).

Stephen John Stedman and Fred Tanner (eds), Refugee Manipulation: war, politics, and the abuse of humanitarianism . Washington DC: Brookings Institute Press (pb US

further strengthened the book’s contribution – as would a separate chapter on the HIV/AIDS pandemic in Africa. Yet, the layout of the book is not coherent enough. The chapter on internet connectivity should have followed immediately those on globalization. Chapters 13 and 14 would also have been better placed in their reverse order. Moreover, some chapters (11 and 16) are not up to date. Nevertheless, the volume is a masterpiece in many respects. Not only is it timely and appropriately titled; its rich database and the critical perspective around which contributions are built also strengthen the depth of analysis. The combination of historical insights with analytical policy-oriented approach makes its methodology superb. I also find the theoretical and empirical contributions to be quite impressive. The elegant use of simple/clear prose and limited jargon is an added value. Without any doubt, the book will enjoy widespread mention not only in academic circles but also in government and other policy-oriented domains in Africa and beyond.