Patrick Emmenegger

Three Worlds of Welfare Capitalism: The Making of a Classic

In this introduction to the special issue, we review the various debates spurred by Esping-Andersen’s The Three Worlds of Welfare Capitalism. Tracing its impact since the book’s publication in 1990, we show that Three Worlds continues to be the point of reference for comparative welfare state research. A content analysis of articles in the Journal of European Social Policy citing the book indicates that Three Worlds may even have obtained a paradigmatic status and that its claims and findings are often taken for granted rather than challenged. We conclude that Three Worlds has become a classic that is likely to continue to have a major influence on welfare state research in its next 25 years.

Barriers to entry: insider/outsider politics and the political determinants of job security regulations

Job security regulations, here understood as restrictions on hiring and firing, figure prominently in the policy recommendations of international organizations or national reform programmes. However, in contrast to the prominence of job security regulations in the current reform discourse, hardly any attention is paid to their determinants. In this article, the insider/outsider theory of employment and unemployment is examined. Advocates of this approach argue that job security regulations mainly benefit the labour market insiders. As a consequence, insiders will fight all reforms that aim to dismantle these regulations. The insiders are supported by Social Democratic parties, which only represent the interests of the insiders. In this article it is maintained that this simple argument is wrong. Labour market outsiders can be expected to be equally supportive of job security regulations and Social Democratic parties as labour market insiders. This claim is supported by the empirical analysis using survey data.

Making Democratic Citizens: The Effects of Migration Experience on Political Attitudes in Central and Eastern Europe

This article examines the effects of migration experience on political attitudes in Central and Eastern European countries. The rationale for this quest is the hypothesis that contact with democratic contexts translates into democratic political attitudes, for which evidence is so far inconclusive. In this article, we are interested to see whether migrants returning from Western countries display different political attitudes than their fellow nonmigrant citizens. The analysis of survey data shows that migration experience diversifies the array of political attitudes: Although migrants are more likely to trust EU institutions and to try to convince friends in political discussions, they do not differ from nonmigrants in their attitudes toward domestic institutions. Based on earlier works on determinants of political attitudes, the authors argue that migration experience has a significant effect only when these attitudes are related to objects that are associated with improvements in the migrants’ material and cognitive status.

The Power to Dismiss: Trade Unions and the Regulation of Job Security in Western Europe

-First detailed comparative and historical analysis of the politics of job security regulations, covering eight West European countries and more than 100 years -Provides a large amount of previously unavailable data on the level of dismissal protection and the regulation of temporary employment -Detailed analysis of labour market dualisation processes in the field of dismissal protection and temporary work This first comparative-historical analysis of the regulations that restrict the managerial capacity to dismiss employees and use temporary forms of employment addresses four puzzles that have long troubled the comparative political economy literature. Who is the driving force behind the extension of dismissal protection? Why is statutory dismissal protection particularly extensive in continental Europe? How can the uneven temporal development of job security regulations be explained? And what are the causes of the two-tier labour market reforms in recent decades? Analysing the historical development of job security regulations in Western Europe from the establishment of freedom of contract in the 19th century until the peak of two-tier labour market reforms in the 2000s, this book contributes to resolving these puzzles by emphasising the important role of trade unions, their preference for institutional control, and the strategic choices they make. Readership: Scholars and students of political science, especially those interested in comparative political economy, institutional change and comparative politics

Religion and the gender vote gap : women’s changed political preferences from the 1970s to 2010

For many years women tended to vote more conservative than men, but since the 1980s this gap has shifted direction: women in many countries are more likely than men to support left parties. The literature largely agrees on a set of political-economic factors explaining the change in women’s political orientation. In this article we demonstrate that these conventional factors fall short in explaining the gender vote gap. We highlight the importance of a religious cleavage in the party system across Western European countries, restricting the free flow of religious voters between left and right parties. Given that surveys show us a constantly higher degree of religiosity among women and a persistent impact of religion on vote choice, religion explains a substantial part of the temporal as well as cross-country variation in the transition from the more conservative to the more progressive voting behavior of women.

State–Society Relationships, Social Trust and the Development of Labour Market Policies in Italy and Sweden

The first decade of the twenty-first century may be remembered for the rebirth of consensus on labour market policy. After three decades of bitter political and ideological controversy between a neo-liberal and a traditional social democratic approach, a new model, often labelled flexicurity, has emerged. This model is promoted by numerous political organisations since it promises to put an end to the old trade-off between equality and efficiency. Several countries are embracing the flexicurity model as a blueprint for labour market reform, but others, mostly belonging to the ‘Mediterranean Rim’, are clearly lagging behind. Why is it so difficult for these countries to implement the flexicurity model? This paper argues that the application of a flexicurity strategy in these countries is complicated by the lack of social trust between social partners and the state as well as political economy traditions that highlight the role of labour market regulation as a source of social protection.

What Motivates You? The Relationship between Preferences for Redistribution and Attitudes toward Immigration

The tension between immigration and redistribution has attracted increased attention in recent years. Many authors argue, based on economic self-interest theory, that there is a negative relationship between support for redistribution and preferred levels of immigration. Notwithstanding the role of economic self-interest, there is in fact a multitude of motivations that moderate the relationship between preferences for redistribution and attitudes toward immigration. A model of preferences for immigration shows that self-interested and strongly reciprocal individuals experience a tension between immigration and redistribution, while egalitarians do not experience this tension. Humanitarians express a general willingness to help those who are worse off, immigrants included, but this motivation does not affect their preferences for redistribution.

Immigration and redistribution revisited: How different motivations can offset each other

Despite compelling theoretical arguments, research has failed so far to provide conclusive empirical evidence on the relationship between preferences for redistribution and attitudes towards immigration. We argue that social scientists risk making erroneous inferences if the causal link connecting an independent variable to a given outcome is not carefully modelled. This is particularly true in the presence of multiple and partly offsetting intervening variables. We argue that there are at least four motivations linking attitudes towards redistribution and preferred levels of immigration. We observe a statistically significant association between attitudes towards redistribution and preferred levels of immigration, but only after the motivations have been explicitly integrated into the empirical analysis. If the motivations are not explicitly modelled, no systematic relationship between attitudes towards redistribution and preferred levels of immigration can be observed.

Gendering Insiders and Outsiders. Labour Market Status and Preferences for Job Security

This paper examines the role of gender in the relationship between labour market status and preferences for job security. We hypothesize that the insider/outsider theory of employment and unemployment suffers from a gender bias. It neither takes the possibility of family-related labour market transitions nor the role of the household situation (division of labour, presence of children, dual-earner households etc.) into account. We adapt the insider/outsider theory of employment and unemployment by incorporating the, on average, higher number of labour market transitions experienced by women into the model using interaction effects and by conceptualising the household situation as mobility and responsibility effects. Contrary to our expectations, we find no significant effect of gender on preferences for job security, neither in interaction with labour market status nor as an independent effect. In contrast, we observe that individuals living together with their partners and main contributors to the household income consider job security to be particularly important.

The Politics of Job Security Regulations in Western Europe From Drift to Layering

This article analyzes business and union strategies in the reform of job security regulations. It argues that unions are the main political actors pushing for their expansion of regulations, but given employers’ opposition, unions are able to enforce better protection only in exceptional periods. Once the first restrictions are in place, employers use their power advantages at the workplace level to circumvent regulations, which unions combat by reducing the level of discretion awarded to employers in interpreting regulations. In recent decades, job security regulations have come under increasing pressure. Unions have reacted to this new situation by consenting to the continuous deregulation of temporary employment, while they fight any attempt at deregulating job security in open-ended contracts in order to protect their members’ interests and their institutional involvement in the administration of dismissals. The theoretical argument is supported by empirical evidence from four Western European countries since the postwar period.