Peggy Voss

Hope for the best, prepare for the worst? Future self-views and preparation for age-related changes

Extending research on the impact of views on aging and developmental regulation across the life span, we tested the hypothesis that more positive views of oneself as an older person predict more preparation for age-related changes. Drawing on recent evidence regarding the domain specificity of aging-related developmental processes, we assumed this relationship to be moderated by the relevance of preparation in different life domains for different age groups. We investigated these research questions in a longitudinal study that assessed future self-views and preparation for different life domains in a sample covering a large part of the adult life span. Findings supported our hypotheses: More positive/negative personal views of ones own aging at T1 predicted subsequent increases/decreases in preparation, with influences being strongest for those domains in which relevant age-related changes are expected to occur for the respective age groups. Our study provides additional evidence for the idea that views on aging shape development, identifying age-related provision making as an important mediating process. Furthermore, our findings highlight the added value of a domain-specific approach that takes the differential relevance of life domains and age-related developmental tasks into account.

Multiple standards of aging: gender-specific age stereotypes in different life domains

Whereas it is often stated that aging might have more negative consequences for the evaluation of women compared to men, evidence for this assumption is mixed. We took a differentiated look at age stereotypes of men and women, assuming that the life domain in which older persons are rated moderates gender differences in age stereotypes. A sample of 298 participants aged 20–92 rated 65-year-old men and women on evaluative statements in eight different life domains. Furthermore, perceptions of gender- and domain-specific age-related changes were assessed by comparing the older targets to 45-year-old men and women, respectively. The results speak in favor of the domain specificity of evaluative asymmetries in age stereotypes for men and women, and imply that an understanding of gendered perceptions of aging requires taking into account the complexities of domain-specific views on aging.

Age Stereotypes and Self-Views Revisited: Patterns of Internalization and Projection Processes Across the Life Span

Objectives We investigated processes of age stereotype internalization into the self and projection of self-views onto age stereotypes from a life-span perspective, taking age-related differences in the relevance of life domains into account. Method Age stereotypes and self-views in eight life domains were assessed in a sample of N = 593 persons aged 30-80 years (T1) at two time points that were separated by a 4-year time interval. We estimated cross-lagged projection and internalization effects in multigroup structural equation models. Results Internalization and projection effects were contingent on age group and life domain: Internalization effects were strongest in the young and middle-aged groups and emerged in the domains family, personality, work, and leisure. Projection effects in different domains were most pronounced for older participants. Discussion Our findings suggest that the internalization of age stereotypes is triggered by domain-specific expectations of impending age-related changes and transitions during certain phases of the life span. Projection processes, however, seem to occur in response to changes that have already been experienced by the individual. Our study demonstrates the dynamic interrelation of age stereotypes and self-views across the life course and highlights the importance of a differentiated, life-span perspective for the understanding of these mechanisms.

Context Influences on the Relationship Between Views of Aging and Subjective Age: The Moderating Role of Culture and Domain of Functioning.

Subjective age has been shown to reliably predict a variety of psychological and physical health outcomes, yet our understanding of its determinants is still quite limited. Using data from the Aging as Future project, the authors examined the degree to which views of aging influence subjective age and how this influence varies across cultures and domains of everyday functioning. Using data from 1,877 adults aged from 30 to 95 years of age collected in China, Germany, and the United States, they assessed how general attitudes about aging and perceptions of oneself as an older adult influenced subjective age estimates in 8 different domains of functioning. More positive attitudes about aging were associated with older subjective ages, whereas more positive views of self in old age were associated with younger subjective age. It is hypothesized that these effects are reflective of social-comparison processes and self-protective mechanisms. These influences varied considerably over contexts, with views of aging having a greater impact in domains associated with stronger negative stereotypes of aging (e.g., health) compared to those with more positive ones (e.g., family). Culture also moderated the impact of aging views in terms of the strength of prediction, direction of effect, and age of greatest influence, presumably due to cultural differences in the salience and strength of aging-related belief systems across contexts. The results illustrate the contextual sensitivity of subjective age and highlight the role played by an individual’s views of old age—both in general and regarding oneself—in determining their own experience of aging.

Getting what you expect? Future self-views predict the valence of life events

Views on aging have been shown to predict the occurrence of events related to physical health in previous studies. Extending these findings, we investigated the relation between aging-related future self-views and life events in a longitudinal study across a range of different life domains. Participants (N = 593, age range 30 – 80 years at t1) completed a survey at 2 measurement occasions that were separated by a 4-year interval (t1: 2009, t2: 2013), providing information on domain-specific future self-views as well as on life events that had occurred in the respective domains in-between the 2 measurement occasions. Future self-views measured at t1 predicted the occurrence of subsequent life events corresponding in valence: Participants with more positive (negative) future self-views in a domain reported relatively more positive (negative) life events in the respective domain. In addition, individual differences in future self-views were reinforced by life events that were consistent with these self-views. Accordingly, future self-views can be interpreted in terms of self-fulfilling prophecies: They are related to the likelihood of encountering and remembering life events that further confirm the aging-related future self-views from which they originate. Our study demonstrates the importance of future self-views on aging for development-related outcomes that have an especially high impact on peoples’ lives.

Ageism: The Relationship between Age Stereotypes and Age Discrimination

One of the most widespread beliefs about the occurrence of age discrimination is that it is attributable to age stereotypes. However, the mere activation of age stereotypes is by no means a sufficient condition for the occurrence of age discrimination. Accordingly, the aim of this chapter is to critically review the hypothesis that age stereotypes cause age discrimination considering their conceptual relatedness as well as empirical evidence. It is important to acknowledge that age discrimination and age stereotypes are domain-specific phenomena. Besides taking contextual aspects into account, we also consider the perspectives of both the actor (i.e., the discriminating person) and the perceiver (i.e., the older adult who is being discriminated against and/or perceives age discrimination) to better understand the stereotype-discrimination association. Regarding the actor’s perspective, several studies identified moderators of the relationship between age stereotypes and age discrimination. This perspective can be complemented by considering that older adults themselves also hold age stereotypes that affect their interpretation of other peoples’ behaviour towards them and even their own behaviour. Accordingly, a reciprocal relation between the stereotypes held by both parts is easily conceivable where their expectations and behaviours mutually reinforce each other. In order to understand the relations between age stereotypes and age discrimination it is necessary to consider personal characteristics and contextual constraints on both parts, and to acknowledge the added complexity and domain-specificity of the relations between age stereotypes and age discrimination in real life interactions.

Context influences on the subjective experience of aging: The impact of culture and domains of functioning

Background and Objectives Attitudes about aging influence how people feel about their aging and affect psychological and health outcomes in later life. Given cross-cultural variability in such attitudes, the subjective experience of aging (e.g., subjective age [SA]) may also vary, potentially accounting for culture-specific patterns of aging-related outcomes. Our study explored cultural variation in SA and its determinants. Research Design and Methods American (N = 569), Chinese (N = 492), and German (N = 827) adults aged 30-95 years completed a questionnaire that included instruments measuring basic demographic information, SA, beliefs about thresholds of old age, control over life changes, and age dependency of changes in eight different life domains (i.e., family, work). Results Analyses revealed consistency across cultures in the domain-specificity of SA, but differences in the amount of shared variance across domains (e.g., Chinese adults exhibited greater homogeneity across domains than did Americans and Germans). Cultural differences were also observed in levels of SA in some domains, which were attenuated by domain-specific beliefs (e.g., control). Interestingly, beliefs about aging accounted for more cultural variation in SA than did sociodemographic factors (e.g., education). Discussion and Implications Our results demonstrate that subjective perceptions of aging and everyday functioning may be best understood from a perspective focused on context (i.e., culture, life domain). Given its important relation to functioning, examination of cross-cultural differences in the subjective experience of aging may highlight factors that determine variations in aging-related outcomes that then could serve as targets of culture-specific interventions promoting well-being in later life.

Altersdiskriminierung in institutionellen Kontexten

Altersdiskriminierung ist eine der am starksten institutionalisierten Formen von Diskriminierung. Entsprechend berucksichtigen wir im Rahmen dieses Kapitels v. a. explizite institutionelle Regeln und Vorschriften, welche altere Personen diskriminieren. Wir diskutieren aber auch subtilere Formen von Altersdiskriminierung, die sich haufig nur indirekt daran erkennen lassen, dass bestimmte Altersgruppen unterschiedlich haufig in gesellschaftlichen Positionen auftreten, auf eine bestimmte Weise behandelt, bei Entscheidungen berucksichtigt werden oder in den Genuss von Vergunstigungen oder Behandlungsmasnahmen kommen. In verschiedenen gesellschaftlich regulierten und organisierten Lebensbereichen – u. a. Arbeit, gesundheitliche Versorgung und Rechtsprechung – gehen wir auf Ergebnisse von Untersuchungen zur Altersdiskriminierung ein. Insgesamt ergibt sich ein komplexes Bild von Altersdiskriminierungen, wobei die Erscheinungsformen ebenso wie die vielfaltigen Ursachen in Abhangigkeit von den betrachteten Kontexten variieren.

A world of difference? Domain-specific views on aging in China, the US, and Germany.

Research on cross-national differences in views on aging has often focused on a comparison between Asian and Western countries. However, the results are mixed showing either more positive views in Asia, no difference at all, or even more positive views in Western countries. A potential moderator of country differences that might explain some of the heterogeneity is the fact that views on aging differ in their content and valence depending on life domains such as health versus family relations. Therefore, our aim was to systematically address domain-specific views on aging in a cross-national study, also considering that cross-national differences are age group-specific. We examined differences in views on aging between China, the United States, and Germany in eight life domains using samples with a broad age range. For most of the domains, cross-national differences indicated more negative views on aging in China compared with the Western countries and more positive views among the American compared with the German participants. Intriguingly, the differences between China and the United States or Germany were absent or even reversed in the domains friends, personality, and finances. Cross-national differences also varied by age group. Our results show that explanations of cross-national differences in views of aging probably do not apply uniformly across all life domains or age groups. They underline the importance of acknowledging the domain-specific nature of views on aging in cross-national research.

Preparation for Old Age: The Role of Cultural Context and Future Perceptions

OBJECTIVES Preparation for age-related changes is a central task in midlife and older age and a determinant of functioning and well-being in later life. If and how people prepare is influenced by societal and institutional circumstances and also by beliefs about aging and the future. METHOD We assessed domain-specific preparation for age-related changes in samples from three countries with high population aging but different premises regarding preparation, and analyzed data from N = 1,830 individuals aged 35-85 years from urban regions in Germany, the United States, as well as China (Hong Kong). RESULTS Preparation was universally low in China, but the amount of differences between countries varied depending on life domain. While we found pronounced differences between all three countries for domains related to public provision (such as health care, work, and finances), East-West differences in preparation emerged for domains regarding social relations and end-of-life concerns. The concreteness of time perspective and future self-views mediated country differences in preparation. DISCUSSION Our results speak for the culture-specificity of preparing for old age and we deliver evidence on psychological variables that might explain these differences.