Rachel Robbins

A Review and Clarification of the Terms “holistic,” “configural,” and “relational” in the Face Perception Literature

It is widely agreed that the human face is processed differently from other objects. However there is a lack of consensus on what is meant by a wide array of terms used to describe this “special” face processing (e.g., holistic and configural) and the perceptually relevant information within a face (e.g., relational properties and configuration). This paper will review existing models of holistic/configural processing, discuss how they differ from one another conceptually, and review the wide variety of measures used to tap into these concepts. In general we favor a model where holistic processing of a face includes some or all of the interrelations between features and has separate coding for features. However, some aspects of the model remain unclear. We propose the use of moving faces as a way of clarifying what types of information are included in the holistic representation of a face.

Aftereffects for face attributes with different natural variability: adapter position effects and neural models.

Adaptation to distorted faces is commonly interpreted as a shift in the face-space norm for the adapted attribute. This article shows that the size of the aftereffect varies as a function of the distortion level of the adapter. The pattern differed for different facial attributes, increasing with distortion level for symmetric deviations of eye height and decreasing for asymmetric deviations. These results are interpreted in terms of different coding ranges for the 2 facial attributes, arising from differences in eye-height variability in natural face images (large for symmetric, small for asymmetric). Neural models developed in low-level vision also are applied to facial attributes, contrasting a 2-pool (norm-based) and a multichannel (exemplar-based) model. The adapter position effects generally support a norm-based model, as did a finding that perception of stimuli further from the norm than the adapter was shifted in the direction of the norm, rather than repulsed away from the adapter.

Discrimination of Facial Features by Adults, 10-Year-Olds, and Cataract-Reversal Patients

In previous studies we created 8 new versions of a single face: 4 differed only in the spacing among features and 4 differed in the shape of the eyes and mouth. Compared to the spacing set, results for this feature set indicated little impairment by inversion, earlier adult-like accuracy (Mondloch et al, 2002 Perception 31 553–566), and normal performance after a history of early visual deprivation from bilateral congenital cataract (Le Grand et al, 2001 Nature 410 890, 412 786). Here we addressed the possibility that this pattern might have resulted from our having inadvertently selected easily discriminated features or including some faces with make-up. We created 20 featural versions of a single female face and asked adults, 10-year-old children, and patients treated for bilateral congenital cataract to make same/different judgments for 120 pairings (half different). The results confirm that adults easily discriminate facial features, even after early visual deprivation from cataract, and that inversion has only a small effect. By the age of 10 years, children are close to, but not quite at, adult levels of accuracy. The previous findings cannot be attributed to our having inadvertently created a feature set that was unusually easy to discriminate.

Left-right holistic integration of human bodies.

Holistic integration of faces has been widely studied. More recently, investigations have explored whether similar processing is used for human bodies. Here we show that holistic processing, as measured by the composite task, does occur for bodies but is stronger for left and right halves than for top and bottom halves. We also found composite effects for left–right halves of inverted bodies. Standard composite effects were found for top halves of faces, tested as a control. We argue that our results suggest that holistic processing of faces and bodies might not exclusively occur for identification, but instead may also have evolved to aid communication and/or decisions about mate choice (through judging symmetry).

Development of sensitivity to spacing versus feature changes in pictures of houses: Evidence for slow development of a general spacing detection mechanism?

Adults are expert at recognizing faces, in part because of exquisite sensitivity to the spacing of facial features. Children are poorer than adults at recognizing facial identity and less sensitive to spacing differences. Here we examined the specificity of the immaturity by comparing the ability of 8-year-olds, 14-year-olds, and adults to discriminate houses differing in the spacing between features versus those differing in the shape of the features themselves. By 8 years of age, children were more accurate for discriminations involving the feature set compared with the spacing set, and the difference in accuracy compared with adults was greater for the spacing set than for the feature set. Importantly, when sets were matched in difficulty for adults, this greater immaturity on the spacing set than on the feature set remained. The results suggest that, at least by age 8, immaturities in sensitivity to the spacing of features may be related to immaturities in general perceptual mechanisms rather than face-specific mechanisms.

Infant perceptual development for faces and spoken words: An integrated approach

There are obvious differences between recognizing faces and recognizing spoken words or phonemes that might suggest development of each capability requires different skills. Recognizing faces and perceiving spoken language, however, are in key senses extremely similar endeavors. Both perceptual processes are based on richly variable, yet highly structured input from which the perceiver needs to extract categorically meaningful information. This similarity could be reflected in the perceptual narrowing that occurs within the first year of life in both domains. We take the position that the perceptual and neurocognitive processes by which face and speech recognition develop are based on a set of common principles. One common principle is the importance of systematic variability in the input as a source of information rather than noise. Experience of this variability leads to perceptual tuning to the critical properties that define individual faces or spoken words versus their membership in larger groupings of people and their language communities. We argue that parallels can be drawn directly between the principles responsible for the development of face and spoken language perception.

Effects of normal and abnormal visual experience on the development of opposing aftereffects for upright and inverted faces.

We used opposing figural aftereffects to investigate whether there are at least partially separable representations of upright and inverted faces in patients who missed early visual experience because of bilateral congenital cataracts (mean age at test 19.5 years). Visually normal adults and 10-year-olds were tested for comparison. Adults showed the expected opposing aftereffects for upright and inverted faces. Ten-year-olds showed an adultlike aftereffect for upright faces but, unlike the adult group, no aftereffect for inverted faces. Patients failed to show an aftereffect for either upright or inverted faces. Overall, the results suggest that early visual input is necessary for the later development of (at least partially) separable representations of upright and inverted faces, a developmental process that takes many years to reach an adult-like refinement.

Sex-related preferences for real and doll faces versus real and toy objects in young infants and adults.

Findings of previous studies demonstrate sex-related preferences for toys in 6-month-old infants; boys prefer nonsocial or mechanical toys such as cars, whereas girls prefer social toys such as dolls. Here, we explored the innate versus learned nature of this sex-related preferences using multiple pictures of doll and real faces (of men and women) as well as pictures of toy and real objects (cars and stoves). In total, 48 4- and 5-month-old infants (24 girls and 24 boys) and 48 young adults (24 women and 24 men) saw six trials of all relevant pairs of faces and objects, with each trial containing a different exemplar of a stimulus type. The infant results showed no sex-related preferences; infants preferred faces of men and women regardless of whether they were real or doll faces. Similarly, adults did not show sex-related preferences for social versus nonsocial stimuli, but unlike infants they preferred faces of the opposite sex over objects. These results challenge claims of an innate basis for sex-related preferences for toy real stimuli and suggest that sex-related preferences result from maturational and social development that continues into adulthood.

Normal body perception despite the loss of right fusiform gyrus

Human extrastriate cortex contains functional regions that are selective for particular categories such as faces, bodies, and places, but it is unclear whether these category-selective regions are necessary for normal perception of their preferred stimuli. One of these regions is the right fusiform body area (FBA), which is selectively involved in body perception. Do loss of the right fusiform gyrus and the absence of the right FBA necessarily lead to deficits in body perception? Here we report the performance of Galen, a brain-damaged patient who lost the right fusiform gyrus and has no right FBA, on eight tasks of body perception. Despite his lesion, Galen showed normal performance on all tasks. Galens results demonstrate that damage to the right fusiform gyrus and the lack of the right FBA do not necessarily lead to persisting deficits in body perception.

The relative importance of heads, bodies, and movement to person recognition across development

Children have been shown to be worse at face recognition than adults even into their early teens. However, there is debate about whether this is due to face-specific mechanisms or general perceptual and memory development. Here, we considered a slightly different option--that children use different cues to recognition. To test this, we showed 8-year-olds, 10-year-olds, and adults whole body, head only, and body only stimuli that were either moving or static. These were shown in two tasks, a match-to-sample task with unfamiliar people and a learning task, to test recognition of experimentally familiar people. On the match-to-sample task, children were worse overall, but the pattern of results was the same for each age group. Matching was best with all cues or head available, and there was no effect of movement. However, matching was generally slower with moving stimuli, and 8-year-olds, but not 10-year-olds, were slower than adults. In general, more cues were faster than heads or bodies alone, but 8-year-olds were surprisingly slow when still bodies were shown alone. On the learning task, again all age groups showed similar patterns, with better performance for all cues. Both 8- and 10-year-olds were more likely to say that they knew someone unfamiliar. Again, movement did not provide a clear advantage. Overall, this study suggests that any differences in face recognition between adults and children are not due to differences in cue use and that instead these results are consistent with general improvements in memory.