Radoslaw Zubek

Core executive and Europeanization in Central Europe

Introduction: Understanding Europeanization in Central Europe A Core Executive Model EU Rule Adoption in Poland Core Executive Institutions in Poland Impact of Executive Institutions on Rule Adoption in Poland Core Executive and Rule Adoption in Hungary and the Czech Republic Conclusion: Core Executives and EU Compliance

Complying with Transposition Commitments in Poland: Collective Dilemmas, Core Executive and Legislative Outcomes

This article examines the transposition of EU legislation in Poland before accession. It finds that the extent to which the Polish government complied with transposition commitments in a timely manner was related to the institutionalisation of rules that the domestic core executive could use to extend selective incentives and monitoring to ministers and departments. The effect of the core executive variable is contextualised by the impact of EU incentives, party configurations and ministerial resources. The article concludes by considering the wider significance of the core executive variable in research on compliance in the EU member states.

Performing to Type? How State Institutions Matter in East Central Europe

While there is much research on the developmental trajectories of post-Communist state institutions and the external and domestic influences that have shaped their paths, much less is known about institutional performance, that is, the manner in which institutions operate and the extent to which they produce predictable patterns of effects. Academic analysis has been reluctant to shift attention from institutionalisation to effects, not least because of the fluidity of many formal institutions. The present article documents that over the last decade state institutions in East Central Europe have increasingly stabilized, especially at the macro-institutional level. The analysis highlights insights from institutional theory - notably how degrees, time, preferences and resources matter - to encourage further research in the field.

Government, Parliament and Law-making in Poland

This paper examines the process of law-making in Poland during the 1997–2001 and 2001–2005 legislative terms. The analysis focuses on the initiation, amendment and finalisation stages of the legislative process within both the government and parliament and considers the boundary, content, temporal and information rules that shape this process. Within government, the preparation of, and decision-making on bills to be submitted to parliament are characterised by a dominance of ministerial law-making strategies, with a very limited coordinating capacity for the core executive (that is, the cabinet, the prime minister and the institutions that serve them). Within parliament, the government possesses weak agenda control and few formal means of defending its legislation against rival bills and amendments. There is some evidence to suggest that this decentralised legislative setting is one of the key drivers behind legislative growth and instability.

Negative Agenda Control and Executive–Legislative Relations in East Central Europe, 1997–2008

The article studies the patterns of executive–legislative relations in east-central Europe. In contrast to much of the existing research, it focuses on negative – rather than positive – agenda control to examine the dominant mode of interaction between parliaments and executives. Based on an original review of legislative rules in six east central European states, it shows that the opportunities for governing parties to exclude opposition initiatives from floor deliberations vary with party system concentration. In states with concentrated party systems, such as Hungary and Poland, governing majorities have extensive procedural opportunities to block opposition initiatives from reaching the floor. In countries with more fragmented party systems, such as Estonia and Slovakia, opportunities for negative agenda control are the scarcest.

Legislative pledges and coalition government

When do coalitions do what they promise? Previous research has focused on the extent to which parties implement electoral pledges. In this article, we examine how coalition cabinets fulfil post-electoral legislative agendas. Many coalitions announce programmes identifying bills that they plan to introduce to parliament in the months ahead. Even though coalition parties publicly signal commitment to all such proposals, there is variation in the extent to which cabinets meet their own deadlines. We argue that pledge fulfilment is driven by differences in the divisiveness and salience of legislative initiatives. We test our theoretical expectations based on an empirical analysis of over 500 legislative pledges made by the Polish cabinet between 2008 and 2011. Our results confirm that pledges dealing with less divisive and more salient issues are likely to be fulfilled with less delay than those dealing with more divisive and less important issues.

Coalition Government and Committee Power

Recent research suggests that committees in parliamentary democracies may, at least partly, be endogenous to the prevalence of coalition government. In this article, I examine the conditions under which parliamentary majorities reform legislative rules to expand or reduce committee power. I expect that, ceteris paribus, the greater the conflict inside the governing coalition, the higher the probability that parties in government will adopt reforms expanding committee power and the lower the chance that they will implement changes reducing such power. These expectations are tested using original new data on the reforms of committee agenda powers undertaken in eight European states within 20 years from democratic transition. I find some evidence to support the endogeneity of committee power to the ideological heterogeneity of parliamentary government.

Legislatures and Policy Uncertainty: Evidence from East Central Europe

Relying on social choice theory, this paper argues that uncertainty regarding future public policies is likely to be related to party institutionalization and legislative organization. The argument is evaluated using survey data from businesses in eight EU member states in East Central Europe. It finds that firms report lower concern over policy uncertainty in systems with higher party institutionalization. There is also some evidence, although less robust, that restrictive parliamentary agenda control leads to lower perceptions of policy uncertainty and this effect mediates the influence of party institutionalization. These results tend to hold if one controls for the effect of other national and firm-level factors.

Ministerial Transposition of EU Directives: Can Oversight Improve Performance?

This paper argues that the extent to which national administrations transpose EU directives in a timely fashion may be related to how transposition is coordinated inside national ministries. Focusing on transposition through secondary legislation in Estonia, Poland and Slovenia, the paper finds initial evidence that oversight can contribute to better transposition performance. Ministries with strong internal oversight tend to be better at timely transposition, while ministries with no or weak oversight perform worse. The results tend to hold if one controls for country effects, party preferences and transposition workload.

Minority governments and legislative reliability: Evidence from Denmark and Sweden

When are minority cabinets effective? We study the extent to which minority cabinets demonstrate legislative reliability, that is, introduce to parliament the bills they have announced in their legislative agendas. We test hypotheses drawn from two theories of minority government effectiveness: the positional agenda power theory which emphasizes the central location of the minority cabinet in the policy space and the ideological proximity theory which stresses the importance of the ideological closeness of opposition parties to the government. In an analysis of over 1600 bills announced by Danish and Swedish minority cabinets in 19 legislative agendas published between 1998 and 2012, we find more support, overall, for the ideological proximity than for the positional agenda power model.