Richard Kraus

After the revolution : waking to global capitalism

It sounds good when knowing the after the revolution waking to global capitalism in this website. This is one of the books that many people looking for. In the past, many people ask about this book as their favourite book to read and collect. And now, we present hat you need quickly. It seems to be so happy to offer you this famous book. It will not become a unity of the way for you to get amazing benefits at all. But, it will serve something that will let you get the best time and moment to spend for reading the book.

China's Writers, the Nobel Prize, and the International Politics of Literature

The arts have played an important role in the years since China rejoined the world community after the isolation of the Cultural Revolution. The cautious exchange of perforners, exhibitions, and movies has repeatedly broken the ice between China and its former adversaries. Two decades after the Cultural Revolution, China has become an active part of the world economy, but Chinese artists feel that they do not yet take part in world culture on a basis of equality. One measure of international cultural success taken very seriously by Chinese artists and intellectuals is the annual Nobel Prize for literature, a sign of recognition which many Chinese intellectuals now desire for their nation. Yet the system by which the Nobel Prize is assigned reflects a continuing European contempt for non-Western cultures. We shall examine both this system and the controversies provoked by Chinas quest for recognition within it.

The 1989 Democracy Movement in Fujian and its Aftermath

The 1989 democracy movement in Fujian province followed a very different course from the tragedy in Beijing. The events in Fujian were derivative, confined to a small group of intellectuals and students, with very little participation by workers or other citizens. Activists were well-informed about developments in Beijing; they organized numerous demonstrations, with a few slogans which matched those in Beijing but with no specific demands. There was only one brief hunger strike, and little tension before the 4 June Beijing massacre. The massacres impact was felt quite broadly throughout Fujian society, although with considerable detachment, as people adjusted their lives to Chinas newly uncertain political environment. Fujian is one of the smaller of the traditional eighteen Han provinces in both size and population, with 26 million people living in an area the size of Nicaragua or Czechoslovakia. Fujians relative detachment in the 1989 democracy movement strongly resembles reports we hear from Guangdong, and for similar reasons. Fujians sights have historically been trained outward, away from Beijing, since the province has many other sources of financial and cultural support. The economy has boomed, while contacts outside China are close and increasing, with half a million Taiwanese visitors in the first nine months of 1989 alone. Trade and investment from Taiwan is enormous. In addition to legal commerce through Hong Kong, smuggling between Fujian and Taiwan is a thriving business. Fujian is now even beginning to export labour to Taiwan; Taiwan sources report hat most of the crews of Taiwan ships come from Fujian, and Fujian prostitutes now work in Taibei. Culturally distinct, geographically cut off by high mountains, Fujian has often been an independent-minded province. A Beijing

The Interest of Bureaucrats: Implications of the Asian Experience for Recent Theories of Development

Neither modernization studies nor the new world-system approach to development has treated bureaucrats as an autonomous group pursuing its own interests in competition and collusion with other social groups. An examination of bureaucrats and higher-education politics in Thailand, India, and China over the past three decades reveals a notably similar vision of group interest, despite great differences in historical origin and in the success with wich these interest, despite great differences in historical origin and in the success with which these interest have been pursued. The comparative success of Thailands bureaucrats and failure of Chinas can be illuminated in part by considering differences in relationship to the world system, although this is by no means a sufficient explanation. Bureaucrats choose allies in conjuction with possibilities presented by the world system, as well as by such internal factors as the strenght of rival social groups and the continuity of bureaucratic organization. Theories of development are currently in considerable flux; the world-system contribution would gain analytical power by adopting a more realistic perception of bureaucrats.

Bureaucratic privilege as an issue in Chinese politics

Abstract Since December 1978, social policy in China has followed a more openly elitist direction than in any period since 1949. The conservative drift in many policies is unmistakable, but in one respect there is concern — Party opposition to the rapid growth of bureaucratic privilege and abuse of political position. Mao had struck harshly at non-Party intellectuals, urban entrepreneurs, scientists and politically inactive youth. These groups are part of the social base for the new top leadership. A set of demobilizing reforms and purges aimed to route the radical leaders have been ordered by the Deng faction to intimidate their followers, as well as to discredit the mass-campaign style of work in order to replace it with orthodox Party-state structures. Some resistance has followed, but the increasing privatization of the economy created an absolutely larger petty-bourgeoisie which formed a new social layer supporting Deng. Generous back-pay and compensation for those weeded out by the Cultural Revolution gave a material basis for new inequalities. Upper-class communists were once again able to organize privileged, elitist education for their progeny. Finally, economic policy, including the new tolerance of patriotic Hong Kong capitalists, gave a new lease of life to entrepreneurs, some with foreign ties. A coalition of Party bureaucrats, civil servants, academics and businessmen has little time for socialist egalitarianism and Maos radicalism.

The Repatriation of Plundered Chinese Art

Memory of art objects lost through military plunder and forced sales is keener in China than the West. But the aborted auction of two bronze statues in Paris, in February 2009, reminds us all of this persistent issue. In this short piece, I will review the recent Odyssey of the questionable bronzes to embed the failed sale in a political context. The repatriation of plundered art is a symbolic issue, with deep emotional resonance. Chinas economic ascent comes as the inter national arts establishment is in disarray, forcing Beijing to consider how impor tant the return of plundered art should be within Chinas broader global ambitions.

Creative Industries in China: Art, Design and Media

This smart new overview of recent developments in the political economy of Chinese culture displays an ambitious intellectual reach. “Creative industries” include the arts, but also embrace design ...

William C. Mitchell

William C. Mitchell died January 2, 2006, at his home in Eugene, Oregon. He had suffered from pulmonary fibrosis. He was 80. His wife since 1959, Joyce Mitchell, died in 1996; he is survived by a brother James W. Mitchell, of Kingsford, Michigan, and two sisters, Jeanine Watt of Iron River, Michigan and Waverly Jarvis of Withee, Wisconsin.

Whither China? Intellectual Politics in Contemporary China. Edited by XUDONG ZHANG. [Durham: Duke University Press, 2001. ix+391 pp.

This important collection of theoretically oriented essays on contemporary Chinese culture and politics is an updated and expanded version of a special issue of Social Text (Summer 1998). The selection is multidisciplinary (including history, political science, anthropology) but with an expansive conception of comparative literature at its core. It is more intellectually focused than many China anthologies, no doubt reflecting the strong guiding hand of editor Xudong Zhang, whose 75-page introduction sets an ambitious agenda.

23.95. ISBN 0-8223-2648-5.]

The framework of the book functions best in chapters on political economy. General readers will find fruitful the juxtaposition of corruption in the Chinese political system with corruption in U.S politics. Acknowledging the degree to which political influence in the U.S. is sold to the highest bidder should help prevent American observers from making glib and condescending criticisms of the way in which influence is peddled in China. Helpful too are observations about Chinese intellectual dissidents who, like their Soviet-era Russian counterparts, have been the focus of international journalism for decades. The North American press places great emphasis on the tiny number of these individuals, while neglecting to explain that nearly all Chinese intellectuals understand their role within a basically Confucian framework. They are patriotic but see their interests as aligning with the existing political networks of patronage and influence. Similarly, the focus on specific kinds of human rights in the U.S. discourse about China is also rooted in the U.S. media’s cheerleading for global capitalism. American observers ignore the vast human rights abuses against underpaid workers in China because they tend to ignore the human rights of workers in the U.S. International consumers should also realize that in purchasing Chinese-made goods, they are colluding with the Communist Party in its exploitation of Chinese workers. These chapters of the book would make excellent readings for discussion sections in survey courses on contemporary China, particularly in the U.S. Chapters on the environment, ethnic minorities, labor relations, gender roles and Chinese fiction are grouped in the second part of the book as topics which are &dquo;below the fold&dquo; or less common parts of the popular discourse on China. Several are based on extensive fieldwork and provide fascinating details