Robbie Hart

A comparative ethnobotany of Khevsureti, Samtskhe-Javakheti, Tusheti, Svaneti, and Racha-Lechkhumi, Republic of Georgia (Sakartvelo), Caucasus

BackgroundThe Republic of Georgia (Sakartvelo in Georgian language) is part of the Caucasus biodiversity hotspot, and human agricultural plant use dates bat at least 6000xa0years. However, little ethnobiological research has been published from the region since the 1940s. Given the lack of recent research in the region, the present study we report on plant uses in Skartvelo (Republic of Georgia), Caucasus. We hypothesized that, (1) given the long tradition of plant use, and the isolation under Soviet rule, plant use both based on homegardens and wild harvesting would be more pronounced in Georgia than in the wiser region, (2) the Soviet occupation would have had broad influence on plant use, and (3) there would still be incidence of knowledge loss despite wide plant use.MethodsFieldwork was conducted in Khevsureti, Samtskhe-Javakheti, Tusheti, Svaneti, and Racha in July–August 2013, July–August 2014, and September–October 2015. Interviews using semi-structured questionnaires were conducted with 170 participants (80 women and 90 men) after obtaining their oral prior informed consent. All interviews were carried out in the participants’ homes and gardens by native speakers of Georgian and its local dialects (Svan, Tush, Khevsur, Psav), or, where participants spoke these as their native language, Armenian, Russian, or Greek.ResultsIn the present study we encountered 480 plant species belonging to 249 genera of 95 families being used in the research region. The highest number of species and of unique species were reported from the remote Tusheti-Khevsureti region. Informant consensus and number of use reports were highest for each region in the food and medicinal use categories. Of the 480 plants being used in the research region 282 species were exclusively wild-harvested, 103 were grown in homegardens, and 84 were both grown in gardens and sourced in the wild.ConclusionsPlant species, and uses, found in our study, both for Georgia in general, as well as for its regions, showed clear relations to the wider Caucasus - Asia Minor - Balkans cultural complex. However, plant use in Georgia was much more diverse than reported in other studies from Eurasia.

Herbarium specimens show contrasting phenological responses to Himalayan climate

Significance Natural events in temperate ecosystems are triggered by seasonal temperature changes. Climate change may shift the timing of these events. We use a century of herbarium collections of Himalayan rhododendrons to investigate climate-driven change in flowering time. Although increased annual temperatures are associated with earlier flowering, increased fall temperatures are associated with delayed flowering. Annual warming may advance flowering through positive effects on overwintering bud formation, whereas fall warming may delay flowering through an impact on chilling requirements. These contrasting effects have resulted in opposing changes in flowering time, even as temperatures have warmed rapidly in the past 45 y. This study demonstrates the value of natural history collections to inform ecological questions, especially regarding climate change. Responses by flowering plants to climate change are complex and only beginning to be understood. Through analyses of 10,295 herbarium specimens of Himalayan Rhododendron collected by plant hunters and botanists since 1884, we were able to separate these responses into significant components. We found a lack of directional change in mean flowering time over the past 45 y of rapid warming. However, over the full 125 y of collections, mean flowering time shows a significant response to year-to-year changes in temperature, and this response varies with season of warming. Mean flowering advances with annual warming (2.27 d earlier per 1 °C warming), and also is delayed with fall warming (2.54 d later per 1 °C warming). Annual warming may advance flowering through positive effects on overwintering bud formation, whereas fall warming may delay flowering through an impact on chilling requirements. The lack of a directional response suggests that contrasting phenological responses to temperature changes may obscure temperature sensitivity in plants. By drawing on large collections from multiple herbaria, made over more than a century, we show how these data may inform studies even of remote localities, and we highlight the increasing value of these and other natural history collections in understanding long-term change.

Traditional use of medicinal plants among Kalasha, Ismaeli and Sunni groups in Chitral District, Khyber Pakhtunkhwa province, Pakistan

ETHNOPHARMACOLOGICAL RELEVANCEnThe traditional use of medicinal plants for the treatment of human and livestock ailments is important to indigenous communities in the northern parts of Pakistan, and considered to be a valuable local biological and sociocultural heritage. The aim of this study was to obtain a detailed inventory of medicinal plant use and preparation among Kalasha, Ismaeli and Sunni groups.nnnMATERIALS AND METHODSnSemi-structured group and individual interviews were carried out with men and women of different age groups that identified themselves as being Kalasha, Ismaeli or Sunni. Interviews were followed up by field visits to collect herbarium vouchers and record in greater detail the exact methods of harvesting, preparation and use on medicinal plants.nnnRESULTSnA total of 76 species were recorded for treatment of various diseases. The Kalasha, Ismaili and Sunni ethnic groups have similar medicinal floras, but show striking differences in plant use. Our comparative survey shows that out of all species reported in this study, only 13 species have been reported previously from Chitral District.nnnCONCLUSIONSnIndigenous knowledge of folk medicine is intricately linked to local culture, religion and history. Any short study can only scratch the surface of this intricate system, but provide an insight into the critical importance of medicinal plants for local livelihoods and the important role these play in health care systems. There is a great need to assess and properly manage the production potential of medicinal plants to ensure sustainable supply of these species for local use and subsistence trade.

Traditional knowledge hiding in plain sight – twenty-first century ethnobotany of the Chácobo in Beni, Bolivia

BackgroundThe Chácobo are a Panoan speaking tribe of about 1000 members (300+ adults) in Beni, Bolivia. Originally nomadic, the Chácabo were relocated to their current main location in the 1960s. Researchers have visited the Chácabo since 1911. A first more detailed anthropological report exists from the late 1960s, and ecological–ethnobotanical studies were conducted in the 1980s and 1990s. The presented work represents a complete ethnobotanical inventory of the entire adult Chácobo population, with interviews and plant collection conducted directly by Chácobo counterparts.MethodsBased on previous reports and our preliminary studies, we hypothesized that twenty-first century Chácobo plant use centered on income generation, and that traditional plant use related to household utensils, medicine and traditional crop varieties had almost disappeared. To test this hypothesis, we started the “Chácobo Ethnobotany Project,” training 10 indigenous Chácobo participants in ethnobotanical interview and plant collection techniques, in order to more fully document Chácobo knowledge and avoid the influence of foreign interviewers.ResultsOur study found 331 useful plant species in 241genera of 95 plant families, with leaves, roots and bark being the most commonly used plant parts The comprehensive documentation that these methods enabled completely nullified our initial hypothesis of knowledge loss. Traditional crop varieties are still widely grown and traditional knowledge is alive. Moreover, it is being actively recuperated in certain domains by the younger generation. Most Chácobo know, and can name, traditional utensils and tools, although only the older generation has still the skills to manufacture them. While many Chácobo still know the names and uses of medicinal species, the younger generation is however often unsure how to identify them.ConclusionsIn this paper we illustrate the complexity of perspectives on knowledge at different ages, and the persistence of knowledge over almost a century. We found that traditional knowledge was only partially affected by the processes of exposure to a market economy, and that different knowledge domains experienced different trends as a result of these changes. Overall knowledge was widely distributed, and we did not observe a directional knowledge loss.We stress the importance to not directly conclude processes of knowledge loss, cultural erosion or acculturation when comparing the knowledge of different age groups.

Changing markets - medicinal plants in the markets of La Paz and El Alto, Bolivia.

ETHNOPHARMACOLOGICAL RELEVANCEnGiven the importance of local markets as a source of medicinal plants for both healers and the population, literature on market flows and the value of the plant material traded is rather scarce. This stands in contrast to wealth of available information for other components of Bolivian ethnobotany. The present study attempts to remedy this situation by providing a detailed inventory of medicinal plant markets in the La Paz-El Alto metropolitan area, hypothesizing that both species composition, and medicinal applications, have changed considerably over time.nnnMATERIALS AND METHODSnFrom October 2013-October 2015 semi-structured interviews were conducted with 39 plant vendors between October 2013 and October 2015 in the Mercado Rodriguez, Mercado Calle Santa Cruz, Mercado Cohoni, Mercado Cota Cota, and Mercado Seguencoma and Mercado El Alto in order to elucidate more details on plant usage and provenance. The results of the present study were then compared to previous inventories of medicinal plants in La Paz and El Alto studies to elucidate changes over time and impact of interview techniques.nnnRESULTSnIn this study we encountered 163 plant species belonging to 127 genera and 58 families. In addition, 17 species could not be identified. This species richness is considerably higher than that reported in previous studies (2005, 129 species of 55 families; 2015, 94 identified species). While the overall distribution of illness categories is in line with older reports the number of species used per application, as well as the applications per species, were much higher in the present study. Overall, informant consensus was relatively low, which might be explained by the large number of new species that have entered the local pharmacopoeia in the last decade, although some species might simply have been missed by previous studies. In course of the present study it became apparent that even well known species might often be replaced by other apparently similar but botanically unrelated species due to environmental and market forces CONCLUSIONS: The present study indicated that, while the floristic composition of markets in the La Paz metropolitan area remained relatively constant over the last decade, with this inventory adding about 20% of species to previous studies, the number of indications for which certain species were used increased tremendously, and that profound differences exist even between markets in close proximity. The dramatic increase in previously not used species used per indication might pose serious risks for consumers. We found serious problems due to species replacements. Even plants that have a well established vernacular name, and are easily recognizable botanically, can be replaced by other species that can pose a serious health risk. Vendor education and stringent identification of the material sold in public markets are clearly needed.

Dynamic Ecological Knowledge Systems Amid Changing Place and Climate: Mt. Yulong Rhododendrons

How dynamic is place-based traditional ecological knowledge (TEK)? In what ways can its generative and conservative processes allow adaption to a changed environment? How do different cultures mediate TEK of a shared place? We address these questions with an in depth study of TEK of the diverse and socio-ecologically salient genus Rhododendron among the indigenous Naxi and immigrant Nuosu Yi of Mt. Yulong, NW Yunnan, China. TEK in both cultures is rich and intimately connected to the seasonal and elevational progression of rhododendrons. Naxi and Yi knowledge of trends and drivers of change parallel those in ecological studies. Knowledge richness was connected with place (urban vs. rural dwelling and elevation of village) and the immigrant Yi had a knowledge base as rich as that of the indigenous Naxi. Both Yi and Naxi interviewees credited this knowledge equality to a combination of generative processes (Yi villages were higher in elevation and Yi livelihoods made more use of mountain resources, which enabled them to acquire knowledge of plants quickly) and conservative processes (Yi migrated from an equally diverse mountain region in which Rhododendron is also salient; its position was retained in their system of TEK, though its elements were adapted). Among rural Naxi, cultural systems (seasonal festivals and ethnotaxonomy) conserved knowledge, even while their direct use of rhododendrons decreased with changing life-ways.

Fast and Cheap in the Fall: Phylogenetic determinants of late flowering phenologies in Himalayan Rhododendron

PREMISE OF THE STUDYnBiotic and abiotic pressures affect the beginning and end of phenologies differently, but little is known about how these temporal components may be determined by phylogeny. We tested for phylogenetic signal in the phenological components and related traits among Himalayan Rhododendron species.nnnMETHODSnWe constructed a phylogeny with trnL-trnL-trnF, atpH-I, RPB2-I (3F-4R), and ITS 4-5, and examined it in combination with trait data recorded for a nine-species assemblage on Mt. Yulong, Yunnan, China.nnnKEY RESULTSnUniquely among phenological traits, last flowering day had a significant phylogenetic signal. Last flowering day was latest in the clade with the smallest fruits. A similar association between the end of flowering and reproductive investment existed in data from Flora of China (Wu et al., 2005) for 160 Yunnan Rhododendron species, for which last flowering month was correlated with fruit size.nnnCONCLUSIONSnPhylogenetic determinants of last flowering day and fruit size may be driven by limited time for fruit development before the onset of cold temperatures in autumn-a temporal niche that only small-fruited species can occupy. This strategy is analogous to fast and cheap spring ephemerals. More may be gained from late-phenology studies, both within and among species and across seasons.

Research Methods Leading to a Perception of Knowledge Loss—One Century of Plant Use Documentation Among the Chácobo in Bolivia

The loss of traditional knowledge, concomitant with changes in livelihoods, languages, and demographics of indigenous and local groups, is a global concern. However, documenting such loss poses serious methodological challenges. Comparing the results of contemporary studies with past research is often problematic due to methodological differences. Here, comparing studies that attempted to document the traditional ethnobotanical knowledge of the Chácobo of Bolivia, we tried to examine whether knowledge loss was really occurring across more than 100xa0years or was only researcher’s perception. The Chácobo are a Panoan-speaking tribe of about 1000 members, first visited by researchers in 1911, and subsequently in the 1950s, 1960s, 1970s, 1980s, and 1990s. Each study had different foci, but all recorded ethnobotanical data. The first more detailed anthropological report exists from the late 1960s, and ecological-ethnobotanical studies were conducted in the 1980s and 1990s. Based on available literature, in particular the botanical studies of Boom (1987) and Bergeron (1998), it seemed that Chácobo plant use now centers on income generation. Both Boom (1987) and Bergeron (1998) perceived that traditional plant use related to household artifacts and medicine, as well as traditional crop varieties had almost disappeared. Here, we hypothesized that plant knowledge documented and the perception of so-called knowledge loss observed in these depended completely on the background of the interviewers and the methods employed, and that in a sufficiently comprehensive ethnobotanical study, we would be able to document all species and uses mentioned in previous studies. We tested this hypothesis by conducting a complete ethnobotanical inventory of almost the entire adult Chácobo population, with interviews and plant collection conducted directly by Chácobo counterparts. The results verify our initial hypothesis and showed that the loss of knowledge perceived in previous studies simply was an artifact of the research methods employed. Traditional crop varieties are still widely grown, most Chácobo know, and can name, traditional artifacts, and many still know the names and uses of medicinal species. However, some knowledge, including the manufacture of artifacts and proficient identification of many medicinal plants, is limited to the older generation.ResumenLa pérdida del conocimiento tradicional, los cambios en los medios de subsistencia, la pérdida de las lenguas locales, y la reducción demográfíca de los grupos indígenas y locales, es una preocupación mundial. Sin embargo, documentar dicha pérdida plantea serios desafíos metodológicos. Comparar los resultados de estudios recientes con investigaciones pasadas, no resulta fácil debido a las diferencias metodológicas. Aquí comparamos estudios que documentaron el conocimiento tradicional etnobotánico de los Chácobo en Bolivia, buscando examinar si la pérdida de conocimiento tradicional realmente ha estado sucediendo durante los últimos 100 años, o si solo era la percepción de los investigadores. Los Chácobo son una tribu Pano hablantes, actualmente conformada por aproximadamente 1000 miembros. Fueron visitados por primera vez por investigadores en 1911, y posteriormente en los años 1950, 1960, 1970, 1980 y 1990. Cada estudio tenía enfoques diferentes, pero todos registraron datos etnobotánicos. El primer informe antropológico más detallado existe desde fines de la década de 1960, y se llevaron a cabo estudios ecológico-etnobotánicos en los años ochenta y noventa. Basado en la literatura disponible, en particular los estudios botánicos de Boom (1987) y Bergeron (1998), la percepción fue que el uso de plantas por los Chácobo ahora se centraba en la generación de ingresos. Ambos autores percibieron que el uso de las plantas tradicionales relacionado con la fabricación de artefactos, la medicina tradicional, así como las variedades de cultivos tradicionales, casi habían desaparecido. Nosotros planteamos la hipótesis de que el conocimiento etnobotánico documentado y la percepción de pérdida de conocimiento observada en estudios previos, depende completamente de los antecedentes de los entrevistadores y los métodos empleados, sugiriendo que con un estudio etnobotánico suficientemente completo podríamos ser capaces de documentar todas las especies y usos mencionados en estudios previos. Probamos esta hipótesis realizando un inventario etnobotánico completo entrevistando casi la totalidad de la población adulta de los Chácobo y realizando la recolección de plantas, ambas actividades fueron desarrolladas directamente por contrapartes Chácobo. Los resultados verifican nuestra hipótesis inicial y muestran que la pérdida de conocimiento percibida en estudios previos simplemente fue un artefacto de los métodos de investigación empleados. Las variedades de cultivos tradicionales todavía se cultivan ampliamente; la mayoría de los Chácobo conocen y pueden nombrar los artefactos tradicionales, y la muchos aún conocen los nombres y los usos de las especies de plantas medicinales. Sin embargo, cierto tipo de conocimiento, incluida la fabricación de ciertos artefactos y la identificación de algunas plantas medicinales, se limitan a las generaciones más viejas.

Your Poison in My Pie—the Use of Potato (Solanum tuberosum L.) Leaves in Sakartvelo, Republic of Georgia, Caucasus, and Gollobordo, Eastern Albania

William L. Brown Center, Missouri Botanical Garden, P.O. Box 299, St. Louis, MO 63166-0299, USA Herbario Nacional de Bolivia, Instituto de Ecología-UMSA, Campus Universitario, Cota Cota Calle 27, La Paz, Bolivia Institute of Botany and Bakuriani Alpine Botanical Garden, Ilia State University, Botanikuri St. 1, 0105, Tbilisi, Georgia 4-D Research Institute, Ilia State University, 5, Cholokasvili Ave, 0162, Tbilisi, Georgia University of Gastronomic Sciences, Piazza Vittorio Emanuele 9, I-12060, Pollenzo, CN, Italy *Corresponding author; e-mail: rainer.bussmann@mobot.org

Who should conduct ethnobotanical studies? Effects of different interviewers in the case of the Chácobo Ethnobotany project, Beni, Bolivia

BackgroundThat the answers elicited through interviews may be influenced by the knowledge of the interviewer is accepted across disciplines. However, in ethnobotany, there is little evidence to quantitatively assess what impact this effect may have. We use the results of a large study of traditional ecological knowledge (TEK) of plant use of the Chácobo and Pacahuara of Beni, Bolivia, to explore the effects of interviewer identity and knowledge upon the elicited plant species and uses.MethodsThe Chácobo are a Panoan speaking tribe of about 1000 members (300+ adults) in Beni, Bolivia. Researchers have collected anthropological and ethnobotanical data from the Chácobo for more than a century. Here, we present a complete ethnobotanical inventory of the entire adult Chácobo population, with interviews and plant collection conducted directly by Chácobo counterparts, with a focus on the effects caused by external interviewers.ResultsWithin this large study, with a unified training for interviewers, we did find that different interviewers did elicit different knowledge sets, that some interviewers were more likely to elicit knowledge similar to their own, and that participants interviewed multiple times often gave information as different as that from two randomly chosen participants.ConclusionsDespite this, we did not find this effect to be overwhelming—the amount of knowledge an interviewer reported on the research subject had comparatively little effect on the amount of knowledge that interviewer recorded from others, and even those interviewers who tended to elicit similar answers from participants also elicited a large percentage of novel information.