Robert B. Cialdini
Arizona State University
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Psychological Science | 2007
P. Wesley Schultz; Jessica M. Nolan; Robert B. Cialdini; Noah J. Goldstein; Vladas Griskevicius; San Marcos
Despite a long tradition of effectiveness in laboratory tests, normative messages have had mixed success in changing behavior in field contexts, with some studies showing boomerang effects. To test a theoretical account of this inconsistency, we conducted a field experiment in which normative messages were used to promote household energy conservation. As predicted, a descriptive normative message detailing average neighborhood usage produced either desirable energy savings or the undesirable boomerang effect, depending on whether households were already consuming at a low or high rate. Also as predicted, adding an injunctive message (conveying social approval or disapproval) eliminated the boomerang effect. The results offer an explanation for the mixed success of persuasive appeals based on social norms and suggest how such appeals should be properly crafted.
Advances in Experimental Social Psychology | 1991
Robert B. Cialdini; Carl A. Kallgren; Raymond R. Reno
Publisher Summary This chapter focuses on norms, which can be demonstrated to affect human action systematically and powerfully. Three distinct types of norms that are effective: social norms of the descriptive kind, which guides the behavior via the perception of how most others would behave; social norms of the injunctive kind, which guides the behavior via the perception of how most others would approve/disapprove of a persons conduct; and personal norms, which guides the behavior via the perception of how a person would approve/disapprove of his own conduct. At a given time, an individuals actions are likely to conform to the dictates of the type of norm that are familiar even when the other types of norms dictate contrary conduct. The chapter discusses those injunctive social norms—once activated—is likely to lead to beneficial social conduct across the greatest number of situations and populations. By focusing subjects on one or another type of norm, the action of a particular kind of norm was stimulated, without activating the other kinds.
Personality and Social Psychology Bulletin | 2008
Jessica M. Nolan; P. Wesley Schultz; Robert B. Cialdini; Noah J. Goldstein; Vladas Griskevicius
The present research investigated the persuasive impact and detectability of normative social influence. The first study surveyed 810 Californians about energy conservation and found that descriptive normative beliefs were more predictive of behavior than were other relevant beliefs, even though respondents rated such norms as least important in their conservation decisions. Study 2, a field experiment, showed that normative social influence produced the greatest change in behavior compared to information highlighting other reasons to conserve, even though respondents rated the normative information as least motivating. Results show that normative messages can be a powerful lever of persuasion but that their influence is underdetected.
Public Opinion Quarterly | 1992
Robert M. Groves; Robert B. Cialdini; Mick P. Couper
The lack of full participation in sample surveys threatens the inferential value of the survey method. We review a set of conceptual developments and experimental findings that appear to be informative about causes of survey participation; offer an integration of that work with findings from the more traditional statistical and survey methodological literature on nonresponse; and, given the theoretical structure, deduce potentially promising paths of research toward the understanding of survey participation.
Personality and Social Psychology Bulletin | 2000
Carl A. Kallgren; Raymond R. Reno; Robert B. Cialdini
In three experiments, respondents’ behavior conformed to the dictates of a relevant norm (the norm against littering) only under conditions of normative focus. This relationship held true across three types of procedures for producing normative focus (physiological arousal, modeling, and self-directed attention), across two types of settings (public and private), and across two types of norms (social and personal). Moreover, factors that would be expected to affect normative action were influential only when the norm was focal. These factors included the degree to which the action violated the relevant norm (Study 2) and the degree to which an individual subscribed to that norm (Study 3). Implications are discussed for developing campaigns to encourage prosocial behavior.
Journal of Personality and Social Psychology | 1993
Raymond R. Reno; Robert B. Cialdini; Carl A. Kallgren
Three studies examined the behavioral implications of a conceptual distinction between 2 types of social norms: descriptive norms, which specify what is typically done in a given setting, and injunctive norms, which specify what is typically approved in society. Using the social norm against littering, injunctive norm salience procedures were more robust in their behavioral impact across situations than were descriptive norm salience procedures. Focusing Ss on the injunctive norm suppressed littering regardless of whether the environment was clean or littered (Study 1) and regardless of whether the environment in which Ss could litter was the same as or different from that in which the norm was evoked (Studied 2 and 3)
Journal of Experimental Social Psychology | 1973
Robert B. Cialdini; Betty Lee Darby; Joyce E. Vincent
Abstract A model to account for the positive relationship between transgression and altruism was proposed and tested against three alternative formulations—Guilt, Social Justice, and Self-esteem Bolstering. The proposed model, Negative State Relief, asserts that people in a transgression situation behave charitably in order to reduce a general, negative affective state which is induced by exposure to harm-doing and that if the negative state is relieved by some other means, benevolent activity will be rendered unnecessary. All of the experimental subjects were exposed to an act of transgression; half performed the act themselves while half only witnessed it. In one set of experimental conditions (the relief conditions), a positive event—the receipt of either money or approval—was interposed between the harmful act and a fellow-students request for aid. In another set of experimental conditions (the norelief conditions), no such positive event occurred. It was found, as predicted, that subjects who received a positive event were significantly less helpful than those who did not, but were not different from a control group which had never been exposed to the transgression. It was also found that harm-doers and harm-witnesses were identical in benevolent tendency. The results were interpreted as favoring a hedonistic conception of the nature of altruism. Finally, it was contended that a U-shaped relationship exists between mood state and helping tendency.
Journal of Personality and Social Psychology | 1976
Robert B. Cialdini; Douglas T. Kenrick
A study was conducted to provide a means for reconciliation of the conflicting data on the relationship of negative mood state to altruism. Whereas some studies have shown that negative mood leads to increases in altruistic action, others have shown the reverse. It was hypothesized that the inconsistency of these results was due to differences in the ages and consequent levels of socialization of the subjects employed in the earlier studies. In order to test the hypothesis, subjects from three age groups (6-8, 10-12, and 15-18 years old) were asked to think of either depressing or neutral events and were subsequently given the opportunity to be privately generous. Consistent with predictions from the negative state relief model of altruism, the youngest, least socialized subjects were somewhat less generous in the negative mood condition, but this relationship progressively reversed itself until in the oldest, most socialized group, the negative mood subjects were significantly more generous than neutral mood controls. The data were taken as support for a hedonistic conception of altruism that views adult benevolence as self-gratification. It is suggested that the reward character of benevolence derives from the socialization experience.
Journal of Personality and Social Psychology | 2006
Vladas Griskevicius; Robert B. Cialdini; Douglas T. Kenrick
Four experiments explored the effects of mating motivation on creativity. Even without other incentives to be creative, romantic motives enhanced creativity on subjective and objective measures. For men, any cue designed to activate a short-term or a long-term mating goal increased creative displays; however, women displayed more creativity only when primed to attract a high-quality long-term mate. These creative boosts were unrelated to increased effort on creative tasks or to changes in mood or arousal. Furthermore, results were unaffected by the application of monetary incentives for creativity. These findings align with the view that creative displays in both sexes may be linked to sexual selection, qualified by unique exigencies of human parental investment.
Personality and Social Psychology Bulletin | 1999
Robert B. Cialdini; Wilhelmina Wosinska; Daniel W. Barrett; Jonathan Butner; Małgorzata E. Górnik-Durose
University students in Poland and the United States, two countries that differ in individualistic-collectivistic orientation, indicated their willingness to comply with a request to participate without pay in a marketing survey. Half were asked to do so after considering information regarding their own history of compliance with such requests, whereas the other half were asked to do so after considering information regarding their peers’ history of such compliance. This was designed to assess the impact of two social influence principles (commitment/consistency and social proof, respectively) on participants’ decisions. As expected, although both principles were influential across cultures, the commitment/consistency principle had greater impact on Americans, whereas the social proof principle had greater impact on Poles. Additional analyses indicated that this effect was due principally, but not entirely, to participants’ personal individualistic-collectivistic orientations rather than to the dominant individualistic-collectivistic orientation of their cultures.