Robert M. Adelman

Neighborhood Opportunities, Race, and Class: The Black Middle Class and Residential Segregation

Racial residential segregation has received considerable attention from social scientists who, in general, have found that African Americans, particularly those in large, northeastern and midwestern metropolitan areas have been highly segregated from whites since at least the beginning of the Great Migration. This analysis combines research on racial residential segregation with research about residential segregation based on social class in order to study the segregation of middle‐class blacks from middle‐class whites. By using Census data that incorporate consistent geographic definitions of Census tracts in 50 U.S. metropolitan areas from 1970 to 1990, I assess change in the levels of residential segregation between middle‐class blacks and middle‐class whites. The index of dissimilarity indicates that while there was a decrease in the segregation of middle‐class blacks from middle‐class whites between 1970 and 1990, in many metropolitan areas this segregation remained high through 1990. The analysis also shows that middle‐class blacks lived in neighborhoods, on average, with considerably more poverty, more boarded‐up homes, more female‐headed households, and fewer college graduates than neighborhoods inhabited by middle‐class whites. Overall, the results suggest that, for the most part, these groups remain residentially separated in U.S. metropolitan areas.

HOMEWARD BOUND: THE RETURN MIGRATION OF SOUTHERN-BORN BLACK WOMEN, 1940 TO 1990

A major demographic trend of the twentieth century has been the dramatic decrease in the percentage of African Americans residing in the South. The Great Migration reduced the percentage of Blacks living in the South from 90 percent at the turn of the century to 53 percent in 1990. However, since at least 1940 there has been a measurable North to - South counterstream of migrants , and since about 1970 there has been net in - migration of Blacks to the South . This in - migration includes northern - born Blacks, as well as former migrants returning to the South. Prior research on the Great Migration, and its more recent reversal, has tended to overlook the experiences of Black women. In this study, we use the Integrated Public Use Microdata Series to describe the return migration patterns of southern - born Black women in 1940, 1970, 1980, and 1990. Our analysis has four primary objectives: (a) to provide a broad overview of trends in return migration to the South for Black women during the last 60 years of the twentieth century, (b) to determine the selectivity of female return migrants from the larger population of southern migrants residing in the North, (c) to compare female return migrants with southern - born women who had remained in the South, and (d) to help set an agenda for future research on female return migration. Although the focus throughout the article is on the return migration of African American women, parallel information is presented for Whites to provide a comparative perspective.A major demographic trend of the twentieth century has been the dramatic decrease in the percentage of African Americans residing in the South. The Great Migration reduced the percentage of Blacks living in the South from 90 percent at the turn of the century to 53 percent in 1990. However, since at least 1940 there has been a measurable North to - South counterstream of migrants , and since about 1970 there has been net in - migration of Blacks to the South . This in - migration includes northern - born Blacks, as well as former migrants returning to the South. Prior research on the Great Migration, and its more recent reversal, has tended to overlook the experiences of Black women. In this study, we use the Integrated Public Use Microdata Series to describe the return migration patterns of southern - born Black women in 1940, 1970, 1980, and 1990. Our analysis has four primary objectives: (a) to provide a broad overview of trends in return migration to the South for Black women during the last 60 years ...

Race, regional origin, and residence in northern cities at the beginning of the great migration

Southern blacks and whites began moving to northern and western cities in large numbers during the second decade of the twentieth century. City-level and ward-level data for 103 northern and western cities are used, along with the 1920 Public Use Microdata Sample, to investigate variation in neighborhood characteristics by race and migration history in 1920. The results of multi-level analyses reveal sharp differences between blacks and whites in the racial composition and quality of residential neighborhoods, even after controlling for a variety of sociodemographic characteristics. Regional origin also affects neighborhood outcomes, primarily because of the racial differences in the urban locations of southern migrants. Black migrants experienced a relative residential disadvantage because of their greater concentration in cities that constrained their residential opportunities. In contrast, white migrants selected destinations that enhanced their locational attainment. These findings highlight the importance of the larger social and economic context in the structuring of group differences in residential outcomes and point to the need for additional research into the selection of destinations by the participants in the Great Migration.

Black-White Income Inequality and Metropolitan Socioeconomic Structure

ABSTRACT: We draw on leading theories about the structural causes of racial inequality in the US to investigate inter-metropolitan differences in white and black per capita income. The analysis, which is based on a sample of 112 metropolitan areas and uses 1990 census data, examines the influence of spatial, economic, and demographic factors on black-white income inequality. Our results show severe income inequality between blacks and whites in most metropolitan areas, with black per capita income being 55% of white per capita income, on average. We find that racial educational inequality and unemployment differences were the strongest predictors of racially based income inequality. We also find that metropolitan areas that are highly ranked on a business and financial dominance hierarchy have the most interracial income inequality. However, when a metropolitan area has a high level of manufacturing employment vis-a-vis low service employment it has less income inequality. We discuss the implications of these and other findings for theories about, and public policy regarding, urban inequality.

Neighborhood Disadvantage Among Racial and Ethnic Groups: Residential Location in 1970 and 1980

We compare the neighborhood characteristics of native- and foreign-born blacks, whites, Hispanics, and Asians in 1970 and 1980. We broaden the locational attainment literature by emphasizing three contrasts: between black and nonblack groups, between native black and nonblack immigrant groups, and among black groups. Consistent with previous evidence, we find a clear spatial disadvantage for black groups relative to nonblack groups, and for native blacks compared to nonblack immigrant groups, in both years. However, our study reveals a slight advantage for foreign non-Hispanic blacks (e.g., Afro-Caribbean immigrants) among the black groups throughout the time period. Our results break new ground by extending the analysis of racial and ethnic variation in residential attainment back to 1970, providing an earlier benchmark against which current patterns of residential attainment can be compared.

Distances Traveled during the Great Migration: An Analysis of Racial Differences among Male Migrants

Between 1910 and 1970, millions of southern-born Americans migrated to the northern and western regions of the country in search of better opportunities. Some traveled only short distances, leaving Appalachia for nearby destinations in the southern Midwest. Others made the much longer trek to the West Coast. In this article, we use data from the 1920, 1940, and 1970 Public Use Microdata Samples to investigate the distances traveled by male participants in the Great Migration, with a special focus on differences by race, as well as on changes over time. We find that the average distance traveled increased substantially during the Great Migration for blacks and whites alike. However, throughout this time period, white migrants moved significantly farther than black migrants. The greater propensity for white migrants to move west, rather than north, accounts for a good deal of this overall racial variation. Although the difference in distance traveled between blacks and whites narrowed significantly over time, it remained substantial as the Great Migration came to a close. We conclude by highlighting the impact of these differential migration patterns on the composition and social conditions in northern cities.

The Measurement of Suburban Sprawl: An Evaluation

We review and analyze how suburban sprawl has been conceptualized and measured in recent urban research. We find that indexes created to measure sprawl in metropolitan areas do so in three different ways. Some measures are based on residential population density, others specifically measure the extent of job or employment sprawl, and others consider sprawl a multidimensional land use phenomenon (and provide separate indexes for each dimension). Our analyses show that (1) most residential population density indexes reflect other dimensions of sprawl; (2) it is useful to think of metropolitan areas as positioned on two distinct dimensions of sprawl (i.e., centeredness and density–mixed land use); and (3) job sprawl and residential sprawl vary independently from each other. We provide recommendations regarding which sprawl measures are most appropriate for research applications.

OCCUPATIONAL DISPARITY IN A MIGRANT METROPOLIS: A CASE STUDY OF ATLANTA

ABSTRACT As the populations of immigrant and migrant groups swell in Atlanta, Georgia, the nature of race and ethnic relations in the metropolis, one historically dominated by a black-white dichotomy, is changing. In the 2000 census nearly 40% of the Atlanta metropolitan areas working-age population was an immigrant, a return migrant, or a northern-born migrant. We use the 5% Public Use Microdata Sample (PUMS) from the 2000 census to examine over- and under-occupational representation in the metropolitan area among migrant and nonmigrant groups. The results indicate that there remains a racial and ethnic hierarchy that is related to occupational queues and segmented labor markets. By comparing different types of migrant groups, and by taking into account race, ethnicity, and nativity, we more clearly delineate economic stratification in the metropolitan region.

Occupational Status of Immigrants and African Americans at the Beginning and End of the Great Migration

This analysis utilizes data from the 1920 and 1970 Public Use Microdata Samples to examine the occupational status of immigrants and native-born blacks and whites in northern urban areas at the beginning and end of the Great Migration. In general, for both time periods we find that native-born black men, southern migrants and native northerners alike, fared worse than immigrants in terms of average SEI and level of white-collar employment. Further, we find that in 1920 southern-born and northern-born black women were more likely to be in the labor force and, when in the labor force, more likely to be employed in service occupations than were immigrant women. By 1970 the racial and ethnic differences in female employment patterns had grown considerably weaker. These findings suggest that immigrants from a range of countries made faster occupational progress than blacks throughout the Great Migration, despite important social and economic gains for blacks during the period. The evidence points toward a racially and ethnically defined occupational queue that left blacks at the bottom throughout these fifty years and helped to ensure their generally disadvantaged position in American society.

Women, Race, and Ethnicity: Exploring Earnings Differentials in Metropolitan America

We draw on leading theories about the structural causes of inequality in the United States to explore inter–metropolitan differences in average earnings for white, black, Hispanic, and Asian women. Our analysis utilizes 2000 census data for a sample of 150 metropolitan areas to investigate the determinants of both womens median earnings and earnings’ inequality by race and ethnicity. We find substantial differences between the earnings of minority and white women across metropolitan areas, although the differences are not in the same direction for all groups. Among other findings, our results indicate: (1) The more retail trade and educational, health, and social service employment, the lower the earnings of most women; (2) the larger the immigrant population in an area, the higher the earnings of white and Asian, but not black or Hispanic women; and (3) residing in the South increases levels of inequality between black and white women. In summary, our results indicate that conventional predictors of aggregate earnings and earnings’ inequality operate differently for white, black, Hispanic, and Asian women at the metropolitan level. Structural characteristics of metropolitan areas all have some influence on womens economic outcomes; but those influences are consistent neither for the earnings of all groups of women nor for earnings’ inequality between groups of women.