Roberto Ellery

Business Cycle Fluctuations in Brazil

This paper documents the empirical relationship in postwar Brazil between the GNP and other key variables such as consumption, investment, productivity and hours worked. Since many of those series were not available to Brazil we also had to build a data-set, which includes consumption of non-durables, capital and hours worked. We use two filters to extract the cycles (the usual Hodrick-Prescott filter and a band-pass filter); this procedure was taken to avoid conclusions that depend too much on the filter in use. The paper also provides simulations of two dynamic general equilibrium models (the standard RBC model and the indivisible labor model) and tries to match the facts of the artificial economy with those of the actual economy. We show that the basic models fail to replicate some of the observed facts.

Uncovered interest parity and the peso problem: the Brazilian case

The uncovered interest parity (UIP) test for Brazil is presented from the standpoint of rational expectations hypothesis. The period is January 1984 to October 1998. The econometric tests validate the UIP just for the sub-period January 1990 to June 1994. The result suggests fail with the UIP in the Real Plan, validating the theoretical point proposed by Krasker.

Perfil das Exportações, Produtividade e Tamanho das Firmas no Brasil

Using data at firm level this paper studies the behavior of Brazilian firms that exportsa share of its production. The main findings are: only a small fraction of firms sell toforeign countries, most exporting firms sell to few markets, variations in Brazilianexports across destinations represents differences in number of Brazilian firms sellingthere much more than the amount that each one sells, exporting firms are larger andmore productive than non-exporting firms. About 40% of the exporting firms sellonly to the Mercosul, those firms are smaller and less productive than the firms thatexports to others countries.

Produtividade agregada brasileira (1970-2000): declínio robusto e fraca recuperação

This study explores the productivity performance of the Brazilian economy between 1970 and 1998. We assess how much of the TFP downfall can be explained by some departures from the standard procedure. We incorporate to the standard measure utilization of capacity, changes in the workweek of capital, services of capital from electricity consumption, relative prices distortions, human capital, and investment in specific technology. We conclude that the downfall in productivity is quite robust to those specifications. The only case that presents a marked difference from the standard TFP measure occurs when relative prices of capital are corrected. The implications of this finding are a topic for future research.

Does the political party in the government increase intentional homicide in Brazil

This paper investigates the impacts of the Workers’ Party (WP) in government on the homicide rate in Brazil from panel data for the Brazilian states between 1980 and 2011 using the system of generalized method of moments. An important explanatory factor in the homicide rate is the association between socioeconomic variables and left political parties in state governments. The results provide empirical evidence that the WPs control of the government increased the homicide rate more than the other political parties. This suggests that increasing the number of years of WP occupation of the presidency leads to a more pronounced increase in the homicide rate, compared with other political parties. Although the observed trend indicates increased rates of homicide, more substantial growth was observed in almost all states under WP rule during the period 2003 to 2011, contributing to a higher overall level of violence in Brazil.

The relationship between political parties and tolerance to criminality: A theoretical model and empirical evidences for Brazil

Purpose The purpose of this paper is to investigate the impacts of left Brazilian political parties and partisan disruption on the homicide rate in Brazil. Design/methodology/approach The authors use panel data for the states between the years 1980 and 2011. The database used is an unbalanced panel covering a sample of 27 Brazilian states over 32 years, 1980-2011, totaling about 855 observations. Findings It is estimated that these two political factors are sources that have connection to the increased level of violence in Brazil. These analyses provide several important results. First, partisan disruption is associated with a higher homicide rate, compared to non-partisan disruption. The results from the panel also suggest that left-parties in government have a positive impact on homicide, compared to non-left-parties. Research limitations/implications Information regarding premeditated homicides (CID-BR-9 database) is available for all Brazilian states, and may be tabulated from the same micro-data at any level of aggregation. Some of the well-known problems regarding the choice of this variable are as follows. First, deaths resulting from wounds are sometimes included in the statistics whether wounds were intentionally inflicted or not. In addition, some incidents end up not being registered because certain deaths are not reported. This tends to occur more frequently in rural areas. Fortunately, this second problem does not appear to be too significant, as under-registry of deaths due to external causes is much lower than the amount resulting from natural causes (see, e.g. Cano and Santos, 2000). In addition, this problem may be controlled if under-registry remains stable over time by applying fixed effects to the panel data. Practical implications The main Brazilian political parties diverge on the causes of crime and how criminals should be punished. For example, in Brazil, the minimum age for one individual to be punished with imprisonment is 18 years old. Practices crimes for young people between 12 and 18 implies only in socio-educational measures. Given the high level of violence in Brazil, there is a bill being debated in the parliament that proposes to reduce the age to 16 years. Based on the research, 90 percent of the population approves the reduction of age to 16 years. However, the majority of parliament is opposed to changing the law. In general, the more conservative parties are favorable to changing the law. Social implications These divergent postures can be associated with the ideological essence or to belief system of each political party. Political parties have the potential capacity of changing crime trends through economic and social policies as well as by applying stronger sanctions against crime. Given the law enforcement system, the cycle of crime in Brazil may be related to the profile of the political party elected. Originality/value The authors assume the hypothesis that the current Brazilian multi-partisan system has an incentive system in which politicians do not respond adequately to the basic wishes of voters. Among such desires, the authors emphasize public safety. This paper evaluates the empirical effect of partisan disruption on homicide rate.

An Evaluation of the Tolerant to Higher Inflation Rate in the Short Run by the Brazilian Central Bank in the Period 2001-2012

This article investigates the degree of tolerance to higher inflation rates in the short run by the presidents of the Brazilian Central Bank in the period 2001-2012. We used monthly data and various specifications and estimates of the Taylor rule via GMM. In general, the results show the following empirical evidences: i) the mandate of Henrique Meirelles was less tolerant to higher inflation rates when comparing with the mandate of Arminio Fraga and ii) the Alexandre Tombini’s administration is more tolerant to higher inflation rate in the short run than Arminio Fraga’s.