Rue Bucher
University of Illinois at Chicago
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American Journal of Sociology | 1961
Rue Bucher; Anselm Strauss
A process approach to professions focuses upon diversity and conflict of interest within a profession and their implications for change. The model posits the existence of a number of groups, called segments, within a profession, which tend to take on the character of social movements. Segments develop distinctive identities and a sense of the past and goals for the future, and they organize activities which will secure an institutional position and implement their distinctive missions. In the competition and conflict of segments in movement the organization of the profession shifts.
Journal of Health and Social Behavior | 1969
Rue Bucher; Joan Stelling
Based upon a series of previous studies and ongoing research in three diflerent organizations, this paper argues that bureaucratic theory is of limited value in the analysis of professional organizations. Professionals create their own distinctive social organization within a larger organization. A language of political process-emphasizing negotiation and shifting alliancesis more relevant to understanding such organizations.
American Journal of Sociology | 1957
Rue Bucher
Analysis of interviews with persons in disasters reveals that blaming for disasters reveals that blaming for disasters arises out of seeking a satisfactory explanation for something which cannot be accounted for conventionally. Once persons have defined the situation sufficiently to assess reponsibility, blaming occurs when people are convinced that the responsible agents will not of their own volition take action to prevent a recurrence and the agents are perceived as in opposition to basic values.
Work And Occupations | 1988
Rue Bucher
A natural history model presents occupations as attempting to shape their environments and also as shaping themselves in response to their environments. The tactics and strategies employed by occupations in response to changing circumstances are described in the context of emerging, consolidating, and transforming phases of development.
Social Science & Medicine | 1973
Joan Stelling; Rue Bucher
IN OUR research on professional socialization, we have often been tempted to define professional socialization as “the decline of idiosyncracy”, a view which comes very close to that of Norman Ryder [ I]. The referents for that facetious definition were repeated observations that, in the course of being socialized into professionals, people do indeed begin to speak alike. The process of professional socialization involves taking on a professional identity and a special outlook upon one’s work which is shared with colleagues but distinguished sharply from the outlook which laymen have of the profession. These acquired professional perspectives are expressed in common vocabularies [2]. In this paper, we concentrate upon one major set of common vocabularies, namely the language which the evolving professional acquires for handling the problems of mistakes or failures at work. How do trainees learn to handle their own human fallibility? Everett Hughes’ “Mistakes at Work” is the classic paper on this problem [3]. Our data substantially confirm one of his major points: The very concepts of mistake and failure are lay concepts; in the process of professional socialization they fade away or become redefined during the acquisition of perspectives which place emphasis upon the process of doing the work rather than the outcome of the work. Hughes also touches upon an implied bargain between profession and society [4]. A profession claims to have a special expertise in defined areas of high human interest. On the basis of accepting a profession’s claim to expertise (as well as good motives), a public conveys upon the profession the license to practice its expertise and the mandate to determine how the work should be done. Now, presumably the license can be withdrawn. We come, then, to the issue of the accountability of professions to their public. In addition to criticisms of the medical profession which come from various consumer and political groups, sharp questions about the extent to which the profession of medicine is justified in maintaining that it is adequately policing and regulating professional conduct have recently been raised in serious sociological work. The writings of Arlene Daniels [5], [6] and Eliot Freidson [7] particularly come to mind here. The work of Donald Light on how psychiatrists view suicide also has implications for the accountability of psychiatrists [8]. How to analyse and determine accountability of the professions involves complex conceptual and methodological issues. We believe that basic to any analysis of accountability is an understanding of how the professionals themselves define the issues, and how they come to so define them. This paper, therefore, focuses upon the perspectives of the professionals themselves. We will present data about how trainees in two specialties of medicine view issues which, from a lay point of view, are issues of failure of work. In our conclusion, we will discuss the implications of our findings for the issue of accountability.
Social Problems | 1962
Rue Bucher
Sociological Quarterly | 1972
Joan Stelling; Rue Bucher
American Sociological Review | 1956
Rue Bucher; Charles E. Fritz; E.L. Quarantelli
Social Forces | 1969
Rue Bucher; Joan Stelling; Paul Dommermuth
Journal of health and human behavior | 1965
Rue Bucher