Stephen D. Johnson

Social Traditionalism and Economic Conservatism: Two Conservative Political Ideologies in the United States

Abstract The authors surveyed by telephone a random sample of voters in the 1996 presidential election from the Standard Metropolitan Statistical Area of Muncie, IN (“Middletown”; R. Lynd & H. Lynd, 1929) to test a model describing the nature of 2 conservative political ideologies–social traditionalism and economic conservatism. The model, based on functions of attitudes theory, predicted (a) that the 2 political ideologies would appeal to 2 rather distinct constituency groups–the former, to conservative Protestants; the latter, to people of higher incomes–and (b) that social traditionalists would be more dogmatic and economic conservatives would be more open-minded in their respective views. The findings were consistent with those predictions.

ANTI-ARABIC PREJUDICE IN "MIDDLETOWN" '

This study explored factors related to anti-Arabic prejudice by surveying a random sample of 418 people from “Middletown” (Muncie, Indiana). Anti-Arabic prejudice was high in the fall of 1990. Multiple regression analysis indicated that, as in other studies of prejudice, low education and high authoritarianism had the strongest independent relations with this type of prejudice. However, being Protestant, vs Catholic, was independently related to anti-Arabic prejudice, Protestants being more prejudiced than Catholics. Also, an interaction obtained between race and religious fundamentalism. Specifically, white fundamentalists were more prejudiced than white nonfundamentalists, but black fundamentalists were much less prejudiced than black nonfundamentalists. Other analyses supported the realistic conflict theory of prejudice by providing some support for the idea that those who saw Arabs as an economic threat were more prejudiced. The results are discussed.

Attitudes toward hate crime laws

The research reported here was a survey study exploring attitudes toward hate crime laws and possible causes of such attitudes. In a path model, which was supported by the data, it was found that the major factor determining acceptance or rejection of a hate crime law was whether or not homosexuals would be included as a protected group: those wanting inclusion supporting such a law, and those not wanting inclusion opposing such a law. Consistent with identity politics theory, the data-supported model further found that both social and economic liberals, and people who thought hate crimes created fear in other members of the victims group, wanted homosexuals included in hate crime laws. Other findings, however, were inconsistent with the identity politics theory position that this movement was a united front. Other results from the data-supported model are also discussed and explanations are provided.

The popularity of strict churches

After briefly reviewing Kelleys ideal-church model, and relevant aspects of modernization theory, we set forth hypotheses about who favors church strictness, an essential aspect of Kelleys model. Data came from a sample of Middletown residents (N = 567). It was necessary to distinguish strictness and authoritativeness. While respondents did not believe church strictness is important, authoritative preachers were highly favored. Regression analyses showed that strictness was somewhat more important to the less educated. Authoritativeness was mainly valued by fundamentalists, and to a lesser extent by authoritarians and political conservatives. We conclude with a discussion of how the relative appeal of strictness and authoritativeness can be understood in terms of the current stage of modernity.

Religion as a Defense in a Mock-Jury Trial

Abstract Forty-nine residents of “Middletown” and 121 students in the roles of jurors viewed videotapes of an abbreviated child abuse trial, in which the accused was portrayed by a defense attorney as religious or in which his religious character was not used as a defense. Subjects in the former condition were more likely to convict and recommend longer sentences. There was some evidence to indicate further that religious jurors were even more severe in their judgments of the defendant when religion was used as a defense.

Education and Fundamentalism

The paper explores the relationship between education and Fundamentalism. It was hypothesized that these two variables would be negatively related. It was also expected that this negative relationship would be stronger among converts to Fundamentalism than among those raised as Fundamentalists. In addition, it was expected that Fundamentalism would relate differently to conservative social attitudes for people in different educational groups. The data came from a survey of Middletown residents [N=379]. For the present study only the information from white, Protestant respondents was used [N=281]. There was a weak, negative relationship between education and Fundamentalism. However, contrary to our expectations, converts to Fundamentalism were not less educated people. Finally, it was found that the Fundamentalist perspective differs by educational group.

Christianity and public book banning

Modernization theory is used to understand why conservative Protestants tend to be intolerant. We explain this tendency as a consequence of religious worldview that privileges a sacred group and that exhibits a mistrust of the individual. Using a random sample of Middletown residents (N = 500), we tested the proposition that conservative Protestants are willing to ban controversial books from public libraries because they are more likely to be theologically fundamentalist and morally traditionalist. Control variables were generation, gender, education, and political conservatism. The results support the importance of fundamentalism in explaining the association between conservative Protestantism and intolerance. In addition, it was found that among mainline Protestants, moral traditionalism was related to intolerance. Conservative Protestants can believe in civil intolerance because of their anti-modern, fundamentalist theology. Among mainline Protestants, because specific moral issues are more salient than theological matters, support for book banning results from a fear of moral decay.

Model of Factors Related to Tendencies to Discriminate against People with AIDS

This study was done to integrate previous work on discriminatory tendencies against those who have AIDS and the possible role of two new variables, perceived responsibility and Gods retribution. Using interview data from 205 randomly selected respondents from “Middletown” (Muncie, Indiana), an empirical model was developed. Ratings on homosexual intolerance had the biggest influence on tendencies toward discrimination against AIDS. This type of intolerance was confirmed as a part of a traditional and politically conservative perspective in which the ideas that those with AIDS are responsible for their predicament and God punishes those who sin play an important role.

Factors Related to Inconsistent Life-Views

The study reported here explores how certain segments of the anti-abortion population of America can hold inconsistent life-views. Specifically, it examines what social psychological factors might enable some anti-abortion advocates to be against abortion, but for capital punishment. Anti-abortion subsamples from the 1983 and 1984 nationwide NORC surveys were analyzed and explanations of the results are proposed.

Personal Experience, Ideology and Support for Feminism

Abstract Previous research has come to conflicting conclusions about the relative importance of personal experience versus ideology, and within the latter about the relative significance of secular and religious beliefs and values, in creating support for feminism. This paper reports a test of the relative significance of these variables for women and for men. The study used data collected in 1988 from a random sample of the “Middletown” population (N = 400). Feminist support was related to social class, race, three indicators of personal dissatisfaction, economic liberalism, and moral-religious variables. As suggested by Klein (1984), personal experience variables were more important for women. This was also true for moral-religious factors. In comparison with women, the feminist attitudes of men were more strongly influenced by class factors.