Susan E. Barrett

Psychological and Neural Perspectives on the Role of Motion in Face Recognition

In the real world, faces are in constant motion. Recently, researchers have begun to consider how facial motion affects memory for faces. The authors offer a theoretical framework that synthesizes psychological findings on memory for moving faces. Three hypotheses about the possible roles of facial motion in memory are evaluated. In general, although facial motion is helpful for recognizing familiar/famous faces, its benefits are less certain with unfamiliar faces. Importantly, the implicit social signals provided by a moving face (e.g., gaze changes, expression, and facial speech) may mediate the effects of facial motion on recognition. Insights from the developmental literature, which highlight the significance of attention in the processing of social information from faces, are also discussed. Finally, a neural systems framework that considers both the processing of socially relevant motion information and static feature-based information is presented. This neural systems model provides a useful framework for understanding the divergent psychological findings.

Learning the Moves: The Effect of Familiarity and Facial Motion on Person Recognition across Large Changes in Viewing Format

Familiarity with a face or person can support recognition in tasks that require generalization to novel viewing contexts. Using naturalistic viewing conditions requiring recognition of people from face or whole body gait stimuli, we investigated the effects of familiarity, facial motion, and direction of learning/test transfer on person recognition. Participants were familiarized with previously unknown people from gait videos and were tested on faces (experiment 1a) or were familiarized with faces and were tested with gait videos (experiment 1b). Recognition was more accurate when learning from the face and testing with the gait videos, than when learning from the gait videos and testing with the face. The repetition of a single stimulus, either the face or gait, produced strong recognition gains across transfer conditions. Also, the presentation of moving faces resulted in better performance than that of static faces. In experiment 2, we investigated the role of facial motion further by testing recognition with static profile images. Motion provided no benefit for recognition, indicating that structure-from-motion is an unlikely source of the motion advantage found in the first set of experiments.

The Development of Perceived Structure and Attention: Evidence from Divided and Selective Attention Tasks.

Three experiments provide converging evidence for the view that both perceived structure and attention change during the elementary school years. Kindergarteners, second graders, and adults performed three speeded tasks: divided attention to conjunctions of features, selective attention to orthogonal dimensions and selective attention to correlated dimensions. The tasks were performed with sizes and shapes that were either spatially integrated or spatially separated. In the divided attention task, conjunctions were identified as quickly as single features with integrated stimuli at all ages, but conjunctions were identified more slowly than single features with separated stimuli by all age group. In the orthogonal dimensions task, interference was observed with integrated stimuli across ages, but the interference in adult performance was asymmetric. With separated stimuli, interference was gradually eliminated with increasing age. In correlated dimensions tasks, younger children showed a redundancy gain with integrated stimuli, but no gain was observed in the performances of the older subjects. With separated stimuli there was no redundancy gain at any age. These results were interpreted to mean that integrated stimuli are initially perceived as wholes by all subjects, but that features become more accessible with increasing age. Even so, attention remains constrained by stimulus structure. In contrast, separated stimuli are initially perceived as features at all ages, and the improvement in performance with increasing age is attributable to the increasing command of attentional resources that accompanies development. Our discussion of these findings focuses on three issues: multiple trends in perceptual development, the characteristics of an adequate theory of perceptual representation and processing, and a comparison of the separability hypothesis and other developmental accounts of perceptual development.

Developmental changes in attentional skills: The effect of irrelevant variations on encoding and response selection

The present experiments examine how irrelevant variations within a stimulus set interfere with performance in a selective attention task. Second graders, fifth graders, and adults were administered a discrete trial version of a selective attention task in which they were required to search for an object that matched the prime on the targeted dimension. The stimuli in the first experiment were constructed from spatially integrated dimensions whereas the second experiment used spatially separated dimensions. The results indicated that while the spatially separated dimensions were perceived independently by all age groups, developmental differences in perceived structure were evident with the spatially integrated dimensions. Problems associated with response selection were a major source of interference with both types of stimuli, but the severity of the interference varied with the age of the perceiver and the nature of the stimuli. The developmental implications of these findings were considered.

Face adaptation to gender: Does adaptation transfer across age categories?

We examined gender adaptation effects for the faces of children and adults and measured the transfer of these effects across age categories. Face gender adaptation is defined by a bias to classify the gender of a gender-neutral face to be opposite to that of an adapting face. An androgynous face, for example, appears male following adaptation to a female face. Participants adapted to male or female faces from the two age categories and classified the gender of morphed adult and child faces from a male–female morph trajectory. Gender adaptation effects were found for childrens and adults’ faces and for the transfer between the age categories. The size of these effects was comparable when participants adapted to adult faces and identified the gender of either adult or child faces, and when participants adapted to child faces and identified the gender of child faces. A smaller adaptation effect was found when participants adapted to a childs face but identified the gender of an adults face. The results indicate an interconnected and partially shared representation of the gender information for child and adult faces. The lack of symmetry in adaptation transfer between child and adult faces suggests that adaptation to adult faces is more effective than adaptation to child faces in activating a gender representation that generalizes across age categories.

Facial Recognition, Facial Expression and Intention Detection

Visual perception is probably the most important sensing ability for humans to enable social interactions and general communication. As a consequence, face recognition is a fundamental skill that humans acquire early in life and which remains an integral part of our perceptual and social abilities throughout our life span (Allison et al. 2000; Bruce and Young 1986).

8 Reflecting on Representation and Process: Children's Understanding of Cognition

Publisher Summary This chapter reviews a wide range of studies that focus on how children conceive of the human mind. Wellman has argued that the childs framework theory of mind undergoes major revisions during the preschool years. The childs first theory of mind is characterized by a desire psychology; he or she understands that individuals act to fulfill their desires but does not recognize that these actions are mediated by beliefs. Somewhere around their third birthday, children recognize that an individuals actions are informed by his or her beliefs. Four-year-olds begin to recognize that knowledge-based representations are not simply copied from the outside world. They recognize that beliefs are constructed and that even though beliefs are reality-oriented, they do not always mirror the reality. Unlike a younger child, a four-year-old is able to reflect, at least to some extent, on both representations and the processes that construct them. Even three-year-olds have some understanding of process. They recognize, for example, that perceptual processes are independent in the sense that one perceptual modality can be activated while another cannot.