Tim Jacoby

Understanding Conflict and Violence : Theoretical and Interdisciplinary Approaches

1. Introduction 2. Dimensions 3. Structural Violence 4. Functions 5. Innate 6. Learnt 7. Grievance 8. Mobilisation 9. Crises 10. Hegemony

Hegemony, Modernisation and Post-war Reconstruction*

This paper seeks to understand some of the fundamental continuities between post-Second World War US-led reconstruction and the current (and thus far largely failed) attempt to effect a reconstruction process in Iraq. It argues that behind the rhetoric of benign rehabilitation lies the realpolitik of hegemonic interest. It finds that atheoretical and ahistorical analyses predominate in the study and execution of the post-war reconstruction industry. Focusing on technocratic “how to” solutions rather than “why” has produced anodyne conclusions, typified by uncritical pragmatism and bland admonition. This article argues that the hegemon uses post-war reconstruction processes as an opportunity to preserve and extend an international order friendly to its principles, its security and its prosperity. * In preparing this paper, the author benefited greatly from the comments and suggestions of Dr Roger Mac Ginty, Dr Oliver Richmond and Dr Robert Jacoby.

For the People, Of the People and By the Military: the Regime Structure of Modern Turkey

The arrival, and subsequent longevity, of the military in politics in much of the Middle East over the last 50 years or so has elicited considerable attention. This is, perhaps, particularly so in Turkey, where, since 1909, there has been only 10 years in which a fully civilian administration has governed. Recently, the collapse of the Kurdish Workers Party and the beginning of a process of constitutional amendment aimed at meeting EU accession criteria has sharpened the controversy over the role of the military in the Turkish polity. The aim of this paper is to contribute to this debate by analysing the methods through which military rule has been perpetuated since the Second World War. Using the work of the sociologists Eric Nordlinger and Michael Mann, I argue that two succinct regime strategies are discernible. The first – semi-authoritarian incorporation – was deployed throughout Turkey during the 1960s and 1970s. Following the 1980 coup, however, it existed alongside a second method – autocratic militarism – which emerged in south-east Anatolia. Thus, the primary purpose of this paper is to offer an explanation for the structure of these strategies.

Cultural determinism, Western hegemony & the efficacy of defective states

This paper argues that the notion of a defective state, including those designated as ‘weak’, ‘failed’ or ‘collapsed’, has a number of obvious advantages for the West. First and most obviously, it offers an explanation for the faults of the state in question that does not implicate outside forces. Second, it justifies external action to intervene in the internal affairs of domestic regimes and, finally, it implies that such action can only reliably remove the inherent threat posed by defective states if intervention produces a project of political transformation. This suggests three questions (which make up the focus of the paper as a whole). First, if outside forces are not to blame, what is there within defective states that explains their failings? Second, what form should an external response to these problems take and, third, what sort of political transformation should that external response seek to enact within the target state?

Method, narrative and historiography in Michael Mann's sociology of state development

‘This paper argues that the work of Michael Mann is distinguishable from neo-Weberian sociology in four ways. The first is his fusion of structural conceptions of large-scale social change to the empirics of individual action. The second is his four-part theorisation of social power and its implications for the analysis of the state. The third is his endeavour to find a middle ground between comparativist and linear historiographies. The fourth is his combination of contextual specificity and nomothetic generality. While each of these areas will be approached critically, the paper will conclude that Manns sociology has significantly contributed to our understanding of macro-historical change.‘

The reconstruction of housing in Palestine 1993–2000: a case study from the Gaza Strip

In the Palestinian Territories, housing is thought to be amongst the most difficult problems facing the National Authority (PNA) (Al‐Agha, 1997, p. 3). Increased Israeli settlements, the large size of Palestinian families, the deteriorating economic situation, the lack of national banks operating in the field of housing, the presence of refugee settlements containing over 1.2 million people, the Israeli states policy of residential demolition and land confiscation have all combined to present a severe obstacle to urban reconstruction in the region. In an attempt to address these issues and to make some progress towards realising the estimated 180 000 housing units required by the Palestinian people, the Palestinian Housing Council (PHC) was established in 1992 (Abd Alhadi, 1994; Ziara, 1997). Although it has had some success, the organisation has been plagued by reports of internal dissent and disputes with its beneficiaries. This paper seeks to cast some light on these controversies by focusing on the PHCs role in the Elkarama Housing Project in the Gaza Strip during the period 1993 to 2000.1 It will first outline the broader context in which public institutions within the Gaza Strip operate before offering an account of the structure and background of the PHC. It will then consider Elkarama itself and will conclude by summing up the various factors that have determined the projects outcome. Finally, the paper will offer some tentative recommendations for improved housing provisions within the Gaza Strip in the future.

The “Muslim Menace”, Violence and the De-Politicising Elements of the New Culturalism

This paper looks critically at the idea that the causes of political violence can be explained through a focus on innate human propensities rather than contingent social considerations. It traces the origins of this premise from socio-biological accounts of conflict causality, before going on to discuss perspectives that place a similarly determinative emphasis on cultural factors. It argues that the use of such culturalism has, having been elaborated during the Balkan wars of the mid-1990s, become extended and developed to direct attention towards the apparently peculiarly threatening nature of Muslims and Islam as a key part of the “global war on terror”. In conclusion, it suggests that characterising Muslim identity in this way ultimately serves three de-politicising purposes; firstly, it tends to endorse the status quo, secondly, it helps to legitimise a comprehensive program of securitisation, and thirdly, it offers an account of the causes of political violence which neither implicates external factors nor confers a responsibility to act.

Identity Politics, Turkey and the European Union

Constantine Arvantipoulos (Ed.) Berlin, Springer-Verlag, 2009, ISBN 978-3-540-88196-4, £72, pp.215 Umit Cizre (Ed.) Abingdon, Routledge, 2008, ISBN 978-0-415-39645-5, £75, pp.238 Ioannis N. Grigori...

Political violence, the 'War on Terror' and the Turkish military

This paper looks at the impact of the ‘War on Terror’ on political violence in Turkey. It begins by tracing the role of the North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO) in the management and support of Turkeys militarised government since Ankara joined the Alliance in 1952. Here, it is suggested that a triangular concert of agents from the Turkish states intelligence and special-forces organisations, operatives from Washington, and right-wing activists and paramilitaries have been an important feature of regime formation and maintenance. By the mid-1990s, these covert structures came under increasing social pressure, leading to a period of considerable reform. However, the War on Terror and the Wests subsequent turn towards a greater emphasis on security has, it is argued, begun to undo, enervate or obstruct the implementation of many of these reforms. The result, it is concluded, is that elements of the Turkish state unhappy with recent policies have been emboldened and, since the collapse of the Partiya Karkareni Kurdistans (PKK) unilateral ceasefire in 2004, have started to exert a growing influence.

Guest Editors' Introduction: Debating the Ergenekon Counter-Terrorism Investigation in Turkey

In the Turkish nationalist narrative, the term Ergenekon signifies the mythical Turkish land in Central Asia that saw the re-birth of Turks hitherto brought to the brink of extinction by its enemies. Since the mid-1990s, it has been used to define ‘a Gladio-type gang hidden within the state’ by some, while others see it as ‘a wider organization ranging from armed gangs to civil society associations’ aiming to ‘defend the regime against Islamist and antiKemalist movements.’ By the latter half of 2007, what might be understood as an ‘official’ definition of the term emerged—as both an alleged clandestine ultra-nationalist organization with ties to some members of Turkish armed forces and the most important legal investigation process in Turkish history. Accordingly, Ergenekon is seen by the government as an organization aiming to foment civil unrest through high-profile assassinations and acts of terrorism with a view to creating the grounds and justification for a possible military takeover of the current government led by the religiously inclined Adalet ve Kalkınma Partisi (Justice and Development Party, or JDP). The current investigation began when Public Prosecutor Zekeriya Öz sent a formal application to the police ‘asking for details of a string of assassinations, racist murders and even protest marches’ on October 5, 2007. This was followed by a series of police raids that resulted in the arrests of people ranging from well-known nationalists to retired army