Tracy A. Weitz

Predictors of delay in each step leading to an abortion.

BACKGROUND Approximately 1 out of 10 abortions in the United States occurs in the second trimester of pregnancy. This study uses survival analysis to identify the factors which delay each step of the process of obtaining an abortion. STUDY DESIGN This is a secondary data analysis of a cross-sectional study investigating a sample of 398 women who presented for elective abortion at an urban hospital. Respondents completed a survey using an audio-assisted self-interviewing program and provided a timeline for their process of obtaining an abortion. RESULTS In our analysis, we divided the abortion process into three steps ending in three distinct events (first pregnancy test, calling a clinic, getting an abortion). Factors associated with delay during the first step include obesity [hazard ratio (HR) 0.8, 95% CI 0.6-1.0], abuse of drugs or alcohol (HR 0.7, 95% CI 0.6-1.0), prior second-trimester abortion (HR 0.6, 95% CI 0.4-0.8) and being unsure of last menstrual period (HR 0.6, 95% CI 0.4-0.7) and emotional factors such as being in denial (HR 0.8, 95% CI 0.6-1.0) and fear of abortion (HR 0.7, 95% CI 0.5-1.0). CONCLUSION This study identified key factors associated with delay in obtaining abortion care. Interventions which seek to address these factors, especially those factors associated with later pregnancy suspicion and testing, may reduce abortion delay and facilitate women obtaining their abortions when medical risk and overall cost are lower.

Safety of Aspiration Abortion Performed by Nurse Practitioners, Certified Nurse Midwives, and Physician Assistants Under a California Legal Waiver

OBJECTIVES We examined the impact on patient safety if nurse practitioners (NPs), certified nurse midwives (CNMs), and physician assistants (PAs) were permitted to provide aspiration abortions in California. METHODS In a prospective, observational study, we evaluated the outcomes of 11 487 early aspiration abortions completed by physicians (n = 5812) and newly trained NPs, CNMs, and PAs (n = 5675) from 4 Planned Parenthood affiliates and Kaiser Permanente of Northern California, by using a noninferiority design with a predetermined acceptable risk difference of 2%. All complications up to 4 weeks after the abortion were included. RESULTS Of the 11 487 aspiration abortions analyzed, 1.3% (n = 152) resulted in a complication: 1.8% for NP-, CNM-, and PA-performed aspirations and 0.9% for physician-performed aspirations. The unadjusted risk difference for total complications between NP-CNM-PA and physician groups was 0.87 (95% confidence interval [CI] = 0.45, 1.29) and 0.83 (95% CI = 0.33, 1.33) in a propensity score-matched sample. CONCLUSIONS Abortion complications were clinically equivalent between newly trained NPs, CNMs, and PAs and physicians, supporting the adoption of policies to allow these providers to perform early aspirations to expand access to abortion care.

Resistance and vulnerability to stigmatization in abortion work

The stigma surrounding abortion in the United States commonly permeates the experience of both those seeking this health service as well as those engaged in its provision. Annually there are approximately 1.2 million abortions performed in the United States; despite that existing research shows that abortion services are highly utilized, women rarely disclose their use of these services. In 2005 only 1787 facilities that offer abortion services remained, a drop of almost 40 percent since 1982 (Jones, Zolna, Henshaw, & Finer, 2008). While it has been acknowledged that all professionals working in abortion are labeled to some degree as different, no published research has explored stigmatization as a process experienced by the range of individuals that comprise the abortion-providing workforce in the USA. Using qualitative data from a group of healthcare professionals doing abortion work in a Western state, this study begins to fill that gap, providing evidence of how the experience of stigma can vary and is managed within interactions in the workplace, in professional circles, among family and friends, and among strangers. The analysis shows that the experience of stigma for those providing abortion care is not a static or fixed loss of status. It is a dynamic situation in which those vulnerable to stigmatization can avoid, resist, or transform the stigma that would attach to them by varying degrees within selective contexts.

Women's satisfaction with primary care: a new measurement effort from the PHS National Centers of Excellence in Women's Health.

This paper describes efforts by the National Centers of Excellence in Womens Health to develop a woman-specific primary care satisfaction instrument suitable for quality improvement and research.

Out-of-Pocket Costs and Insurance Coverage for Abortion in the United States

BACKGROUND Since 1976, federal Medicaid has excluded abortion care except in a small number of circumstances; 17 states provide this coverage using state Medicaid dollars. Since 2010, federal and state restrictions on insurance coverage for abortion have increased. This paper describes payment for abortion care before new restrictions among a sample of women receiving first and second trimester abortions. METHODS Data are from the Turnaway Study, a study of women seeking abortion care at 30 facilities across the United States. FINDINGS Two thirds received financial assistance, with those with pregnancies at later gestations more likely to receive assistance. Seven percent received funding from private insurance, 34% state Medicaid, and 29% other organizations. Median out-of-pocket costs when private insurance or Medicaid paid were

Legal Barriers to Second-Trimester Abortion Provision and Public Health Consequences

18 and

Disparities in Abortion Rates: A Public Health Approach

0. Median out-of-pocket cost for women for whom insurance or Medicaid did not pay was

Analyzing the impacts of abortion clinic structures and processes: a qualitative analysis of women's negative experience of abortion clinics

575. For more than half, out-of-pocket costs were equivalent to more than one-third of monthly personal income; this was closer to two thirds among those receiving later abortions. One quarter who had private insurance had their abortion covered through insurance. Among women possibly eligible for Medicaid based on income and residence, more than one third received Medicaid coverage for the abortion. More than half reported cost as a reason for delay in obtaining an abortion. In a multivariate analysis, living in a state where Medicaid for abortion was available, having Medicaid or private insurance, being at a lower gestational age, and higher income were associated with lower odds of reporting cost as a reason for delay. CONCLUSIONS Out-of-pocket costs for abortion care are substantial for many women, especially at later gestations. There are significant gaps in public and private insurance coverage for abortion.

Relationship between ultrasound viewing and proceeding to abortion.

Many women need access to abortion care in the second trimester. Most of this care is provided by a small number of specialty clinics, which are increasingly targeted by regulations including bans on so-called partial birth abortion and requirements that the clinic qualify as an ambulatory surgical center. These regulations cause physicians to change their clinical practices or reduce the maximum gestational age at which they perform abortions to avoid legal risks. Ambulatory surgical center requirements significantly increase abortion costs and reduce the availability of abortion services despite the lack of any evidence that using those facilities positively affects health outcomes. Both types of laws threaten to further reduce access to and quality of second-trimester abortion care.

Multiple Determinants of the Abortion Care Experience From the Patient’s Perspective

Women of lower socioeconomic status and women of color in the United States have higher rates of abortion than women of higher socioeconomic status and White women. Opponents of abortion use these statistics to argue that abortion providers are exploiting women of color and low socioeconomic status, and thus, regulations are needed to protect women. This argument ignores the underlying causes of the disparities. As efforts to restrict abortion will have no effect on these underlying factors, and instead will only result in more women experiencing later abortions or having an unintended childbirth, they are likely to result in worsening health disparities. We provide a review of the causes of abortion disparities and argue for a multifaceted public health approach to address them.