William Marsiglio

The Impact of Sex Education on Sexual Activity, Contraceptive Use and Premarital Pregnancy Among American Teenagers

Sixty percent of women and 52 percent of men now in their 20s took a sex education course by age 19, according to the 1984 National Longitudinal Survey of Work Experience of Youth. Whites are more likely than either blacks or Hispanics to have had a course by that age--57 percent compared with 53 percent and 48 percent, respectively. The survey also shows that large proportions of teenagers initiate coitus before they have taken a sex education course. Among young women who first have sex at age 15, for example, only 48 percent have already taken a course (i.e., have taken it at a younger age or at the same age); and among young women who first have intercourse at age 18, the proportion is 61 percent. Young men are even less likely than young women to take a course before they begin coitus--at age 15, the figure is 26 percent, and at age 18, 52 percent. Adolescent women who have previously taken a sex education course are somewhat more likely than those who have not to initiate sexual activity at ages 15 and 16 (though they are no more likely to do so at ages 17 and 18). However, the effect of prior sex education is small, and is weaker than that of virtually every other variable found to have a significant relationship with first intercourse at ages 15-16. Among the strongest determinants of first coitus at those ages are infrequent church attendance, parental education of fewer than 12 years and black race. Older sexually active girls who have previously had a course are significantly more likely to use an effective contraceptive method (73 percent) than are those who have never taken a course (64 percent). This relationship may offset any effect that a sex education course may have in raising the likelihood of early first coitus, since no significant association can be found between taking a sex education course and subsequently becoming premaritally pregnant before age 20.

Attitudes toward homosexual activity and gays as friends: A national survey of heterosexual 15‐ to 19‐year‐old males

Heterosexual adolescent males’ negative attitudes toward gays were examined using data from a 1988 national survey of male youth 15 to 19 years of age. Results indicated that the vast majority of young males, 89%, found sex between two men “disgusting,” and only 12% felt confident that they could befriend a gay person. Multivariate analyses revealed, as expected, that respondents with more traditional male role attitudes, a religious fundamentalist orientation, and a parent who had completed fewer years of education were significantly more likely to express homophobic views. However, these models also indicated that homophobic attitudes were not associated with the absence of a religious affiliation, placing greater importance on religion, or frequency of worrying about AIDS. The discussion underscores the importance of conducting future research that will facilitate a better understanding of the processes underlying how young males acquire, maintain, and change their attitudes toward gays.

Early childbearing and completion of high school.

This article uses data from the National Longitudinal Survey of Work Experience of Youth (NLSY) for 4696 US women who were aged 20-26 in 1983, and thus were past the normal age of high school completion, to examine patterns of high school termination and completion associated with teenage childbearing. The role of the General Educational Development (GED) program is examined as the means by which teenage mothers obtain high school credentials once they have dropped out of school. Most employers, training programs and colleges accept the GED certificates in the same manner as they do regular high school diplomas. Tabulated data indicate that high school completion rates for women aged 20-26 in 1983 range from only 53% among women who gave birth within 7 months after leaving school, to 79% among those who became pregnant after leaving school. Among Hispanic mothers who gave birth shortly after leaving school, the proportion completing their 2ndary education is 20 points lower than it is among whites or blacks (33% vs. 55%). Among Hispanic mothers who became pregnant after leaving school, the proportion is nearly 30 points lower (55% vs. 81-85%). Overall, only 5% of young women obtain their high school credentials through the GED equivalency program. However, young mothers are about 2-3 times as likely to go this route as are childless women. The GED program emerges as the predominant means of high school completion among white mothers (51% of those with accreditation), whereas it is considerably less important among black mothers (28%). The data also indicate how age at childbearing is closely associated with the probability of school completion and the type of credential received. The analyses highlight the importance of the GED program for women who bear children at an early age. Among women who complete high school but bear a child prior to the date of high school accreditation, about 40% obtain their credential through the GED program. Most of the women who 1st give birth at ages 15-16 do not finish high school by their early 20s, but those who do finish are almost as likely to obtain a GED credential as they are to receive a standard diploma. Although it is possible that availability of the GED option may encourage some young mothers to prematurely terminate their formal schooling, in all likelihood it permits a greater number to receive high school accreditation.

Adolescent males orientation toward paternity and contraception.

Data from a nationally representative sample of 1,880 young men aged 15-19 reveal that neighborhood quality, parental education, race or ethnicity, and attitudes about male gender roles are related to young mens attitudes toward an unplanned pregnancy and to their contraceptive experiences. Young men who live in poor neighborhoods are more likely to be pleased about an unplanned pregnancy than those who have better living conditions (12% vs. 2%) and are also more likely to view impregnating a woman as enhancing their masculinity (8% vs. 3%). Among men with average living conditions, 12% of black adolescents view fathering a child as enhancing their masculinity, compared with 6% of white adolescents; among those with very good living conditions, these proportions were 10% and 2%, respectively. Young men whose parents had less education and those who held traditional male gender role attitudes were also more likely than their counterparts to view fathering a child as enhancing their masculinity. Regarding contraceptive behavior, sexually active black men and Hispanic men were more likely than white men to have discussed contraception with their last partner; black men were more likely to have used an effective contraceptive method the last time they had intercourse; and black men were more likely to have used a condom at last intercourse. However, young men who were aware that they had been responsible for a previous pregnancy were less likely than those who reported no pregnancies to have used an effective contraceptive the last time they had intercourse. These same young men were also more likely to report that fathering a child would please them and enhance their masculinity.

Adolescent fathers in the United States: their initial living arrangements, marital experience and educational outcomes.

Data from a nationally representative longitudinal survey show that seven percent of young males aged 20-27 in 1984 had fathered a child while they were teenagers, more than three-quarters of them nonmaritally. One-third of those who were responsible for a nonmarital conception married within 12 months of conception, and half of all of the young men lived with their child shortly after the childs birth. Overall, young black men were more likely to have been responsible for a nonmarital first birth than were males of other racial backgrounds, and only 15 percent of black teenagers lived with their first child, compared with 48 percent of Hispanics, 58 percent of disadvantaged whites and 77 percent of nondisadvantaged whites. Multivariate analyses indicated that only black or Hispanic youths and those who fathered a child at age 16 or younger were significantly less likely to have lived with their first child; those who were raised Catholic were more likely to have done so. Further analyses revealed that living in a rural area, being relatively older at the childs birth, having been raised Catholic and having lived with both parents at age 14 were associated with an above average probability that white teenage fathers would live with their child, at least initially. However, none of the variables in the model were significant for blacks. Teenage fathers, regardless of their marital status at conception or age at first birth, were much more likely to have been high school dropouts than were other male teenagers. Those with a maritally conceived child had a particularly high drop-out rate--almost 62 percent. Among teenage fathers responsible for a nonmaritally conceived first birth that occurred before they received their diploma or GED certificate or received their diploma or GED certificate or they left school for the last time, those living with their partner shortly after the childs birth were less likely to have completed high school by 1984 than were those not living with their child. However, a multivariate analysis revealed that a teenage fathers living with his child shortly after birth was not significantly related to his completion of high school, while being black was positively associated.(ABSTRACT TRUNCATED AT 400 WORDS)

Interviewing Young Men about Sex and Procreation: Methodological Issues

Because clear instructions for interviewing men about their developing procreative identities do not exist, the authors discuss a variety of methodological issues that surfaced during in-depth interviews with young men about relationships, sex, contraception, pregnancy, and fatherhood. The authors interviewed a diverse sample of 50 single male participants, ages 16 to 30, who had dated at least one woman in the past 3 years (or had been married). The purpose of the reflexive analysis was to sensitize researchers, social service providers, and the authors to the challenges of conducting qualitative interviews with young men. The authors present indices for assessing interview success.

New Action Theory and Contemporary Families

Growing diversities among families and households throughout Western societies are documented. The prevailing conceptual approach has been to distinguish “the family” from alternative life-styles. That dichotomy, rooted in functionalist thought (“old action theory”) is rejected. Drawing on what is called “new action theory” a model for conceptualizing contemporary families is presented. The model assumes that persons construct their families within a societal context that, as Giddens argues, is both constraining and enabling. The authors conceive of families as primary groups. There are least four kinds of interdependencies —each with numerous subfacets, and existing in varied combinations—that give rise to perceptions of families: extrinsic, intrinsic, sexual, and formal. The authors identify two broad expressions of primary groups. One is based on generalized exchange and univocal reciprocity. The other rests on restricted exchange and mutual reciprocity/contingency. Because the authors argue that social theory cannot be divorced from social policy, they offer policy implications of this theoretical approach.

Framing Men’s Experience in the Procreative Realm

Informed by a critical men’s studies perspective, as well as symbolic interactionist and life course themes, we explore how men’s relationship to the procreative realm is currently conceptualized in academic scholarship and public policy debates. We articulate opportunities to advance our conceptual understanding of men’s experiences with pregnancy and family planning by framing the procreative period as a multilayered, dynamic process. We also delineate a broader agenda for critical research on men’s participation in reproductive planning. In particular, we advocate that future research be guided by four strategies: comparative designs, diverse methodologies, prospective and retrospective longitudinal studies, and approaches that capture the multiple, interrelated layers of social life that affect men’s thoughts, feelings, and practices in the procreative realm.

Commitment to Social Fatherhood: Predicting Adolescent Males' Intentions to Live with Their Child and Partner.

This study employs Fishbein and Ajzens social psychological model to examine young males beliefs attitudes normative beliefs and intentions regarding hypothetical living arrangements in the event of a nonmarital pregnancy to a girl they had been dating for a year. On the basis of this model it was anticipated that males intentions would be a function of their personal attitudes and the perception of how they feel significant others would expect them to behave. Analyses are based on survey data from 325 high school males in a midwestern metropolitan city. Almost 48% of the respondents indicate that they would be at least quite likely to live with their child and partner. Whites and blacks have similar intentions. The attitudinal and subjective norm components of this model combine to explain 32% of the variance in behavioral intentions. The attitudinal component is a powerful predictor of behavioral intention for blacks and whites alike but the subjective norm component is a significant predictor of intention only for whites. (authors)

Making males mindful of their sexual and procreative identities: using self-narratives in field settings.

Assisting men to appreciate themselves as sexual beings capable of creating human life will help them protect their own health and well-being while safeguarding their partners and potential children. My experience conducting in-depth interviews and focus groups with men aged 16–30 has convinced me that it is possible to enhance young men’s mindfulness about their sexual and procreative identities; the challenge for reproductive health care providers and educators is to explore creative ways of doing so. Individuals construct and express their identities by interacting reflecting and telling personal stories; they rely on language to make sense of their relationships and figure out who they are. Thus without the concepts and linguistic tools to capture the nuances of their everyday sexual and procreative lives many young men will have muddled and fragmented identities in these areas. If professionals are to help young men develop—and in some cases transform—their identities they should pursue three objectives. First they should expose young men to a set of theoretically informed ideas that allows them to identify and represent aspects of their sexual and procreative lives in practical ways. Second they should emphasize substantive themes encouraging men to recognize their ability to have sex and create human life as a powerful life force interwoven with other aspects of their lives. Third they should provide young men with private guidance and diverse group opportunities to construct and reflect upon their personal stories about procreative issues. (excerpt)