Yen-Hui Audrey Li

Order and constituency in Mandarin Chinese

1: Universal Grammar and Word Order.- Notes.- 2: Dimensions of the Case Module.- 2.0. Introduction.- 2.1. Subject and Case.- 2.2. Case Assignees.- 2.2.1. Theoretical Issues.- 2.2.2. Nonsubcategorized NPs and the Case Filter.- 2.2.3. PPs and Clauses: Visibility.- 2.2.4. Thematic and Case Conflict.- 2.2.5. Summary.- 2.3. Conditions on Case Assignment.- Notes.- 3: Single Complementation.- 3.0. Introduction.- 3.1. Descriptive/Resultative Expressions.- 3.1.1. Properties of Descriptive/Resultative Expressions.- 3.1.1.1. Descriptive/Resultative Expressions as Predicates.- 3.1.1.2. Descriptive/Resultative Expressions as Complement.- 3.1.2. Descriptive Expressions.- 3.1.3. Resultative Expressions.- 3.2. Postverbal PPs.- 3.3. Summary.- Notes.- 4: Multiple Complementation.- 4.0. Introduction.- 4.1. Double Object Structures [V NP2 NP1].- 4.1.1. Types of Double Object Structures [VNP2 NP1] in Chinese.- 4.1.1.1. Goal Double Object Structures.- 4.1.1.2. Source Double Object Structures.- 4.1.2. Mechanism for Case Assignment in the Double Object Structure.- 4.1.2.1. Inherent Case Marking.- 4.1.2.2. Structural Case Marking.- 4.1.3. Inherent Case Marking for [V NP2 NP1] in Chinese.- 4.1.4. Structural Case Marking for [V NP2 NP1] in Chines.- 4.1.4.1. NP-Incorporation.- 4.1.4.2. Problems for NP-Incorporation.- 4.1.4.3. The Empty Category Principle.- 4.1.4.4. The Empty Category Principle for [V NP2 NP1] in Chinese.- 4.1.4.5. Source Double Object Structures.- 4.2. [VNP

Indefinite Wh in Mandarin Chinese

\bar S

Two Cases of Logical Relations: Bound Pronouns and Anaphoric Relations

] Structures.- 4.3. [V NP1 gei NP2] and [V gei NP2 NP1].- 4.3.1. The Status of Gei.- 4.3.2. Word Order.- 4.3.3. A Problem: Subcategorization.- 4.4. Conclusion.- 4.5. Alternatives.- Notes.- 5: Lexical and Categorial Properties of Case.- 5.0. Introduction.- 5.1. Raising Structures.- 5.2. Exceptional Case Marking Structures.- 5.3. Existential/Presentative Sentences.- 5.3.1. Contrasts between English and Chinese.- 5.3.2. The Problem.- 5.3.3. Analysis.- 5.4. Weather Verbs.- 5.5. Expletive Empty Category.- 5.5.1. The Definiteness Effect.- 5.5.2. Case Assignment of Ergative Verbs.- 5.5.3. Implications.- 5.6. Conclusion.- Notes.- 6: Passive, BA, and Topic Constructions.- 6.0. Introduction.- 6.1. The BEI Construction.- 6.1.1. Syntactic Properties.- 6.1.2. Case and Theta-Role Assignment.- 6.1.3. The Passive Morpheme in Chinese.- 6.1.4. Case Assignment.- 6.1.5. Theta-Role Assignment.- 6.1.6. Obligatory NP-Movement.- 6.1.7. Summary.- 6.2. The BA Construction.- 6.2.1. Properties.- 6.2.2. The Status of Ba.- 6.2.3. Analysis.- 6.2.3.1. Movement Analysis.- 6.2.3.2. Nonmovement Analysis.- 6.2.3.3. Theta-Role Assignment.- 6.2.3.4. Subcategorization.- 6.2.4. Conclusion.- 6.3. Topic Structures.- 6.4. Conclusion.- Notes.- 7: Conclusion.- 7.1. Empirical Consequences.- 7.2. Theoretical Implications.- Index of Names.- Index of Subjects.

Sluicing, Sprouting and Missing Objects

This invention relates to 2-amino-4-[2-(1-lower alkyl-5-nitro-2-imidazolyl)vinyl]-pyrimidines and their use in the treatment of protozoal diseases and bacterial infections.

Scope and constituency

Wh-words in Mandarin Chinse can have a non-interrogative indefinite interpretation as well as an interrogative one. The occurrence of a non-interrogative Wh-element is subject to certain semantic and syntactic constraints: it needs a c-commanding non-interrogative Wh licensor, the set of the licensors being defined in terms of the effect on the truth value of a proposition. The relation between the non-interrogative Wh and its licensor is a binder-variable relation, like the one that exists between an interrogative Wh and a question operator. Appropriate interpretations of given Wh-elements are determined by the property of the binder: if a Wh-element is bound by a question operator, it is an interrogative; if bound by a non-question operator, it is a non-interrogative. The binder-variable relation is subject to a Minimality requirement and displays Blocking and Specificity effects.

Plurality in a Classifier Language

What thematic hierarchy is has been controversial, and whether it should exist as a theoretical construct has been questioned. This work shows that if thematic hierarchy is represented structurally as layers of projections, it helps to account for some newly observed constraints on object deletion in Chinese. Chinese exhibits much flexibility in the number and type of arguments that can occur with verbs, and subjects and objects seem to be interchangeable in many cases. However, it is shown that constraints can be found amid the great flexibility in argument structure-object deletion is not possible in the cases not following thematic hierarchy, although subject deletion is still possible. Moreover, object deletion is unacceptable in the cases where arguments are added syntactically. Again, subjects can be deleted in such constructions. These generalizations will be captured by the aforementioned layers of projections reflecting thematic hierarchy and a notion of derivational economy-simpler structures are favored when choices are available.

Ellipsis and Missing Objects

The Extended Standard Theory elaborated in Chomsky (1977) and Chomsky and Lasnik (1977) postulates the existence of an autonomous interpretive level: the Logical Form (LF) component. Representations at this level are derived from S-Structure representations via transformations (see May (1977)). These representations represent the structural meaning of a sentence and abstract away from other aspects of meaning such as word meaning or pragmatics: I. D-Structure — → S-Structure— → LF-Structure

Beyond Empty Categories

Abstract Taking “sluicing” to be derived by movement + deletion, as represented by Merchant (2001), and “pseudo-sluicing” to be a base-generated structure [pro (+be) + wh] (going by Wei 2004; Adams 2004), this paper reviews arguments for and against the presence of a sluicing construction in Mandarin Chinese. We show that all the tests available in the literature do not argue against the presence of such a sluicing construction, except the test building on the distribution of the copula shi. Unfortunately, the shi test is demonstrated to be uncertain and it cannot be used to argue conclusively that only a base-generation pseudo-sluicing analysis should be adopted. We show that a much clear evidence for an exclusive pseudo-sluicing analysis comes from the behavior of the sprouting construction. Investigation of sprouting also sheds light on the properties of null arguments, topic-variable relation, locality, and subcategorization of verbs in the language.