Alan Renwick

Electoral Reform in Europe since 1945

This article surveys and analyses democratic electoral reform in Europe since 1945 in order to pursue three issues. First, it seeks understanding of the processes through which electoral systems change. Second, it asks how the incidence of these processes varies over context and time. Third, it investigates whether there are relationships between the nature of the processes through which electoral system change occurs and the electoral reforms that are thereby adopted. The analysis suggests, most importantly, that electoral system changes occur via multiple contrasting processes, that there is a tendency towards increasing impact of mass opinion upon these changes, and that this is beginning to generate a trend towards greater personalisation in the electoral systems adopted. These findings are, however, preliminary; the article is intended to encourage further discussion and research.

Faces on the ballot. The personalization of electoral systems in Europe

PART 1. ARE ELECTORAL SYSTEMS BECOMING MORE PERSONALIZED? PART 2. WHAT EXPLAINS ELECTORAL SYSTEM PERSONALIZATION? PART 3. DO PERSONALIZING ELECTORAL REFORMS HAVE ANY EFFECTS?

Anti-Political or Just Anti-Communist? Varieties of Dissidence in East-Central Europe and Their Implications for the Development of Political Society

Several authors argue that the heritage of dissident ideas and activity in East-Central Europe has hindered the development of post-communist political society. But this proposition has not been subject to systematic analysis. This article focuses on one part of that proposition: whether dissident ideas corresponded to the features of “ethical civil society” that some argue harm political society. Concentrating on Czechoslovakia, Hungary, and Poland, it differentiates eight varieties of dissident thought. It then assesses the relation of the three most important varieties to ethical civil society, finding that one variety resembled ethical civil society very closely, another only marginally, and the third not at all. It finally draws out implications for the study of political society in the region.

Why Hungary and Poland differed in 1989: The role of medium-term frames in explaining the outcomes of democratic transition

This article has two goals. First, it seeks to enhance our understanding of the factors underlying the divergent outcomes of the round-table negotiations that accompanied transition from communism in Hungary and Poland. It argues that existing explanations emphasizing aspects of the immediate negotiating context should be supplemented by a medium-term perspective focusing on the frames through which actors conceived the options available. The second goal is to argue for an understanding of democratization as the outcome of complex, contingent and prolonged processes of interaction among actors and between actors and context. This does not imply that parsimonious modelling is not useful in democratization studies. But to understand democratization processes fully, modelling approaches need to be combined with more configurative study of historical processes.

Citizen participation and changing governance: cases of devolution in England

The current process of devolving powers within England constitutes a significant change of governance arrangements. This process of devolution has been widely criticised for including insufficient consultation. This paper assesses whether that criticism is fair. Modifying Archon Fung’s framework for the analysis of public participation mechanisms, we begin by considering whether the depth of public engagement has been limited. Then, by comparing these consultation practices with other examples (including one we have ourselves trialled in pilot experiments), we find that deeper forms of public engagement would have been both possible (though at some financial cost) and productive.

Why Did National Promise a Referendum On Electoral Reform in 1990

Though the process that led to the adoption of MMP in New Zealand in 1993 has been studied widely, one key step in that process—the , National Party’s decision in 1990 to promise a referendum on electoral reform—has received less attention. It has commonly been assumed that that promise was motivated by short-term electoral calculation. In fact, however, the evidence suggests that reality was more complex and that the principled support of some leading National Party politicians for constitutional reform also played an important role. This article weighs the evidence for the various individual motivations that may have underlain the decision to make the promise, before offering a mixed-motivation interpretation according to which short-term self-interest, genuine belief in constitutional reform, and recognition of the medium-term need to respond to public disquiet all contributed. It finally draws out implications for our understanding of the origins of MMP in New Zealand and for the study of electoral reform more widely.

DO ‘WRONG WINNER’ ELECTIONS TRIGGER ELECTORAL REFORM? LESSONS FROM NEW ZEALAND

This article asks whether, by what mechanisms, and with what strength ‘wrong winner’ elections—in which a party coming second in votes wins a majority of seats—trigger pressure for electoral reform. It does so through detailed process tracing of the New Zealand case, where wrong winner elections in 1978 and 1981 preceded reform in 1993. It argues that the wrong winner results did facilitate the reform process in New Zealand, but that they were far from sufficient to generate the reform outcome: other factors had to be present too. The additional factors that spurred reform in New Zealand were unusual, suggesting that reform following wrong winner elections is likely to be rare. But caution regarding this conclusion is required: it cannot be excluded that such elections might facilitate other reform paths too.

The Role of Dissident Values in Institutional Choice 1989 in Comparative Perspective

Choices of political institutions have been subject to increasing examination in recent years. The literature on these choices generally argues that they are driven primarily by politicians’ power interests, with impartial values playing at most a subservient role. Yet there are circumstances in which that may not be the case, in which values do come more to the fore. This article examines two propositions: that a principal legacy of significant democratic dissident activity is that it enhances the direct role of impartial values in initial choices of political institutions; and that the values involved have a specifically dissident hue. It begins by exploring theoretically the reasons for expecting these patterns. It then examines the propositions empirically through analysis of institutional choice in East-Central Europe in 1989 and 1990. The third section expands the analysis, first by using Linz and Stepan’s typology of nondemocratic regimes to consider the circumstances under which the posited mechanisms may operate, and then by tentatively exploring evidence from a broad range of cases. The article concludes that the circumstances in which dissident values matter significantly in institutional choices are rare but nevertheless generalizable. The analysis therefore provides a valuable addition to our understanding of institutional choice processes as well as of dissident legacies.

Pedagogy and deliberative democracy: Insights from recent experiments in the United Kingdom

ABSTRACT A growing body of research suggests the existence of a disconnection between citizens, politicians and representative politics in advanced industrial democracies. This has led to a literature on the emergence of post-democratic or post-representative politics that connects to a parallel seam of scholarship on the capacity of deliberative democratic innovations to ‘close the gap’. This latter body of work has delivered major insights in terms of democratic design in ways that traverse ‘politics as theory’ and ‘politics as practice’. And yet the main argument of this article is that this seam of scholarship has generally failed to explore the existence of numerous pedagogical relationships that exist within the very fibre of deliberative processes. As such, the core contribution of this article focuses around the explication of a ‘pedagogical pyramid’ that applies a micro-political lens to deliberative processes. This theoretical contribution is empirically assessed with reference to a recent project that sought to test different citizen assembly pilots around plans for English regional devolution. The proposition being tested is that a better understanding of relational pedagogy within innovations is vital, not just to increase levels of knowledge, but also to build the capacity, confidence and contribution of democratically active citizens.

A British Constitutional Convention

Constitutional reform is heading the UK political agenda, generating much debate over whether a Constitutional Convention should be established and, if so, what form it should take. Alan Renwick sets out the options and weighs their strengths and weaknesses.