Ashok Kapur

Foreign policies of India and her neighbours

List of Tables - List of Figures - Acknowledgements - Introduction: Overview, the Historical Legacy and the Setting at 1947 - The Structure of Power in South Asia: Literature Survey and Research Design - Polarity and Alliances in South Asia, 1947-mid 1950s - Arms Race, War and Crisis in South Asia, 1955-71 - The Foreign Policies of Indias Immediate Neighbours - India and Pakistan in the 1980s and Early 1990s: Crises and Nuclear Activities - Future Prospects - Index

China and Prolifera tion: Implications for India

of regimes which are designed to control the proliferation of nuclear weapons and missiles. To what extent do Chinese nuclear and missile supply attitudes and practices in regions of conflict affect Indian security? Indian Sinologists usually tend to ignore this aspect of India’s strategic calculation. Non-proliferation experts in the US have also been wholly preoccupied with the issue of the Indo-Pakistan arms race and the possibility of war between the two. American arms control specialists have a mindset that automatically locates ’South Asia’ in the traditional US South Asia policy where the goal is to develop an Indo-Pakistan military balance. 1 China’s pivotal position is clear from the diplomatic rivalry between the two since the fifties and the dispute over the Sino-Indian border which led to a limited war in

World and Regional Power Relations without the NPT

To understand the world without the NPT after 1995, it is first important to understand the world without the NPT from the 1940s to 1968, and second, the world with the NPT from the 1960s to 1995. In all, there are three worlds to consider. The first is the world of “pre-NPT horizontal proliferation.” The nuclear programs of Israel, South Africa, India, and Argentina, among other states, commenced1 before the NPT negotiations started and were well along before the NPT was finalized. The second concerns “proliferation during, and in the context of, the NPT regime.” The third is a hypothetical world after 1995. It assumes that an already weakened NPT regime will either collapse by 1995, or that it will be kept alive through periodic review conferences which produce cosmetic consensus and paper victories in international conference diplomacy.

Indian Security and Defense Policies under Indira Gandhi

Since independence, two contradictory tendencies, namely, utopian and power politics have been evident in Indias defense and security policies. While Nehru placed emphasis on peaceful resolution of international conflict, neglected the role of military power and sought Indian security needs through diplomatic means, the 1962 border war with China left India humiliated and his security policy in disarray. During the period of his two successors, Shastri and Indira Gandhi, Indian elites amphasized the role of military power to safeguard Indias vital interests; a utopian approach became peripheral. Despite Indiras in-house training in the use of statecraft, she did not have a clear perception of Indias long-term security needs. Either she depended upon bureaucratic advice to achieve short-term security needs or she took vital security decisions to enhance her personal power and popularity. During this period, an enhancement of Indias military and defense capabilities took place on an inertial basis rather than due to Indira Gandhis initiatives. Despite Indias victory in the 1971 war with Pakistan, her thoughtless action in Punjab weakened Indias security.

India-China Dialogue : Changing Perceptions

two countries were launched on a self deluding ’friendship’ trip. And the 1962 crisis is usually seen as a point of departure, or as China’s defection from the course of peaceful coexistence. However, it is an open question if 1954-55 was the beginning or the end of the phase of peaceful coexistence. To put it differently, did the India-China dialogue end with 1962, or was it temporarily arrested? Indeed, what were the dimensions of the dialogue before and after 1962, particularly after 1971 ? What are the perceptions and interests of the two adversaries? And what are the possibilities of a dialogue and reapproachment between them?

Can the two Asian giants reach a political settlement

Purpose – The purpose of this paper is to outline the history of the Sino-Indian conflict and to evaluate recent changes as reflected in the high level meetings between President Xi Jinping and Prime Minister Narendra Modi. It explores the evolving relationship in terms of three types of bargaining: elusive, tacit and convergent. Design/methodology/approach – By adopting a historical approach one gets a better sense of the evolving pattern of relations between China and India and the circumstances in which the evolution is occurring. Findings – China-India relations are similar to a journey where the progress is measured in terms of small steps rather than a final peace settlement. Relations have changed slowly towards a positive direction in economic relations, and there is a pattern of stability in border talks but the issue is complicated by the linkages between the Tibet question and border issues. Research limitations/implications – This topic requires considerable research because it is important fo...

The Third World Beyond the Cold War . Edited by Fawcett Louise and Sayigh Yezid. New York: Oxford University Press, 1999. 256p.

based on a clearly advanced theory and tests it against an extraordinary range of cases. Deschs exceptional empirical scope bears emphasis, since it distinguishes his work from other theoretically ambitious treatments of civil-military relations (including my own), which tend to look at only a few or even just one country. No other study has paired such a generalizable and parsimonious theory with such a diverse range of cases. On reach alone it is a landmark study. As might be expected, to pursue such an ambitious goal Desch had to accept quite a lean model, and one might still want a theory that would pay greater attention to the micro-foundations of civil-military relations. But on its own terms the argument is provocative and compelling and highly recommended.

78.00.

The ending of the Cold War has marked a change in the position of the United States, still the strongest military power in the Asia‐Pacific region, from a proactive to a reactive force, unable to pursue its interests unaided. It has become dependent on regional partners such as Japan, South Korea, Australia and select South‐east Asian countries, and has sought to promote multilateral arrangements on trade, non‐proliferation and security. The confrontation with Korea over nuclear missile sites in 1993–94 proved that the USA can no longer even contemplate war against ‘pariah states’ even when they are in breach of international treaties. The ability of the USA to act alone is circumscribed by China and by minor powers in the region who have become their negotiating partners, to whom the great powers have to pay the required price for their cooperation.

Asia‐Pacific: Towards development of bargaining relations between great and minor powers in the 1990s

The Non‐Proliferation Treaty was designed to allow the then five nuclear weapon states to retain and develop their nuclear weapon capability while placing the nuclear programmes of others under international supervision. Its problems include de facto nuclear weapon status among non‐signatories, actual or suspected proliferation among signatories, selectivity and proliferation on the part of the nuclear weapon states, and issues resulting from the breakup of the Soviet Union. All the current options for resolving these problems are US‐centred; what is needed for Third World Non‐Proliferation are regional accords in the Middle and Far East and South Asia.

Proliferation dangers in the Third World

Abstract Since 1947, Indias defense posture and policies have evolved in response to its external and domestic circumstances. Examined in this article are the impact of the international system on Indias defense behavior; the impact of regional military developments and crises on Indian behavior; the relationship between leadership style and leadership interest, especially in the 1980s, and Indian defense posture; the influence of internal bureaucratic politics, triggered by external developments, and its impact on defense policy and posture, and the relationship between diplomacy and force in the pursuit of Indian security. The first part of the article outlines the Indian strategic concept, the distribution of military capabilities, and the external and internal setting concerning each period. The second part is analytical, tracing the pattern of development of Indian security systems as it stands today. The final section deals with the irreversible broadening of the Indian defense debates, i. e., a s...