Detlef Jahn

Environmental performance and policy regimes: Explaining variations in 18 OECD-countries

Although we are witnessing an increasing interest in the comparative study of environmental pollution in the social sciences, there is sharp disagreement over how the state of the environment and the changes in recent decades should be assessed. Furthermore, the debate on environmental policy has no conceptual focus on societal development. Therefore, the article presents, on the one hand, an index of environmental pollution that integrates the levels of pollution in 1990 and their changes in the 1980s, and, on the other hand, an index that incorporates the ideological aspects of social development. Using this distinction it is possible to identify different paths of societal development in 18 OECD countries. The final part of the article explores various structural, economic, institutional and political characteristics which may be used to explain the different outcomes. The results show that institutional factors are important for a successful environmental performance. However, when it comes to change in policy regime the degree of mobilization of ecological movements and parties is essential.

Conceptualizing Left and Right in comparative politics Towards a deductive approach

Despite the importance of the Left-Right dimension in comparative politics, establishing an index that captures this dimension in both a theoretically and empirically sound manner remains an ongoing challenge for political scientists. Having reviewed existing attempts to construct measures for the Left-Right dimension, and having concluded that they are merely inductive and problematic from a methodological perspective, this article proposes a deductive approach based on Norberto Bobbio’s theory of Left and Right and suggests a combination with statistically robust measures drawn from the data provided by the Comparative Manifesto Project (CMP). The fundamental features of the proposed index are: first, Left and Right are theoretical concepts which should be accounted for in the empirical analysis. Second, the Left-Right dimension is time- and country-specific. Third, different statements have different meanings on a Left-Right scale. Fourth, the importance of the Left-Right dimension itself varies over time and across countries. Finally, the data have to be analysed adequately.

German exceptionalism: the end of nuclear energy in Germany!

Nuclear energy has long been controversial in Germany: for four decades there has been a fierce debate between proponents and opponents of nuclear power, and anti-nuclear protests started in the 1970s. The Atomic Energy Act (AEA), which came into effect in 1960, has subsequently been adjusted 13 times. It is the legal foundation of ‘the peaceful utilization of atomic power’ and was intended to promote nuclear research, and the development and use of nuclear energy (OECD 2011, p. 5). Together with the formation of the Ministry of Atomic Affairs in 1956, it provided the platform upon which the nuclear industry developed virtually unhindered by any political opposition for nearly 20 years. A powerful nuclear infrastructure was established, involving statefunded research centres, a nuclear construction industry and electricity utilities committed to a nuclear future. Giant German corporations such as Siemens, AEG and ThyssenKrupp led the way in nuclear technology. Not only were the political camps convinced by the technological advantages of nuclear energy, but the public also supported nuclear policy. However, two political developments hindered this smooth policy trajectory. First, the open question of the final disposal of nuclear waste mobilised many people against nuclear energy. In the 1970s, the German approach was to create a giant nuclear reprocessing and waste disposal centre in Gorleben, a fairly remote, rural area in the north-east of West Germany. These plans were – and still are – strongly opposed by the local farming population, vigorously supported by anti-nuclear groups from around the country. The second event that prompted a substantive re-evaluation of nuclear energy among some groups was the nuclear meltdown in Chernobyl in 1986. The nuclear power conflict was also a major reason for the establishment of one of the strongest Green parties in the world. The Greens challenged the opposition Social Democratic Party (SPD) on this issue, ultimately resulting in

Legitimacy through referendum? The nearly successful domino‐strategy of the Eu‐referendums in Austria, Finland, Sweden and Norway

The end of the Cold War made it possible for some neutral countries to join the European Union. However although the European integration promotes economic co‐operation it also reveals problems concerning national and regional identity. In order to legitimise EU‐membership, the new potential member states Austria, Finland, Sweden and Norway conducted referendums on whether or not they should join EU. These referendums, although different in some national aspects, are an example of an international synchronisation of the political establishments. This synchronisation is discussed in light of a ‘Domino‐Strategy’ of the referendums. Furthermore, the article describes some aspects of the referendum campaigns by stressing the importance of geographical differences, organisational standpoints, public opinion and discourse which shows astonishing similarities but also decisive differences.

Nuclear power, energy policy and new politics in Sweden and Germany

Over the last two decades new values, new social movements and green parties have become a common feature of most Western industrialised nations. Simultaneously, it has been claimed that these nations have reached the limits of growth. The two aspects are interrelated and can be spelled out in terms of the politicising of production. However, the degree to which production is politicised varies among nations. The literature in the field postulates that Sweden might be a country that departs from this productionist development. This article discusses this hypothesis by comparing (nuclear) energy policy on the one hand, and the attitudes to, and movements against nuclear energy in Sweden and Germany on the other. The analysis arrives at the conclusion that Germany is much more exposed to the politicising of production than is Sweden. These conclusions imply that new politics might have a greater chance of being institutionalised in Germany than in Sweden.

Attitudinal and socio-structural determinants of cervical cancer screening and HPV vaccination uptake: a quantitative multivariate analysis

AimThe introduction of the human papillomavirus (HPV) vaccine enables for the first time in the history of cancer prevention the possibility of combating the major cause of a cancer even before its onset. The secondary prevention measure of cervical cancer screening has thus been complemented by a primary prevention measure. The aim of this study is to analyse the determinants of uptake of preventive measures against cervical cancer as a basis for comparing the determinants of screening attendance with those of HPV vaccination attendance.Subject and methodsA population-based representative survey comprising 760 randomly selected women aged 14 to 65 was performed in the German federal state of Mecklenburg-Western Pomerania. Prevention behaviour, attitudes towards cervical cancer screening and HPV vaccination, and knowledge about cervical cancer and HPV were investigated by means of a structured questionnaire. Descriptive analyses and multivariate logistic regression analyses were conducted to identify the determinants of screening and HPV vaccine uptake.ResultsAttendance both at screening and at HPV vaccination was best predicted by attitudinal factors. Positive connotations of cancer prevention measures and utility expectations, fear of cancer and high subjective risk perception were conducive to attendance at screening and HPV vaccination. Screening attendance was less regular among women of lower socioeconomic status. In contrast, HPV vaccination uptake was higher for young women with lower educational attainment and lower social class. Knowledge did not impact prevention behaviour significantly. There is no trade-off between screening and vaccination attendance; the vast majority of respondents was aware of the necessity of regular screening attendance even when vaccinated against HPV.ConclusionsUptake rates for existing primary and secondary prevention measures against cervical cancer can be enhanced by fostering perceptions of utility and positive connotations of regular screening and becoming vaccinated against HPV. Elderly women in particular should be encouraged to attend screening by means of a recall system. Given the low overall level of knowledge about cervical cancer and its risk factors, there is a need for education about the necessity and utility of prevention to reach women of all social classes.

Political Institutions and Policy Performance: A Comparative Analysis of Central and Eastern Europe

The impact of political institutions on policy performance has been a major research question in studies of advanced democracies. This study analyzes the effects of institutions and political actors on economic, social and environmental policies in ten Central Eastern European countries from 1995 to 2004. Using time-series-cross section (TSCS) regression analysis, this study shows that the impact of institutional veto players on policy output is more significant than international pressure. Moreover, the communist legacy has a much higher effect on policy output than expected.

Fälle, Fallstricke und die komparative Methode in der vergleichenden Politikwissenschaft

Der Vergleich nimmt in der Politikwissenschaft einen hohen Stellenwert ein. Kurt Sontheimer konstatiert in seinem klassischen Uberblick uber die vergleichende Politikwissenschaft, dass der Politikwissenschaftler vergleichen muss (1971: 112). Doch wie, was und warum verglichen wird, wird oftmals nicht reflektiert. So beginnt eine neuere vergleichende Analyse der Regierungssysteme Osteuropas mit dem Versprechen: „Die Arbeit ist nicht nur vergleichend, sondern ziemlich vergleichend“ (Rub 2001: 19). Der Autor fuhrt den Unterschied zwischen den einzelnen Vergleichstypen nicht aus, macht jedoch darauf aufmerksam, dass es verschiedene Grade des Vergleichs geben kann. Dieter Nohlen (1994b: 507–517) differenziert denn auch in seiner lexikalischen Definition zwischen der „umfassenden“ und „engen“ vergleichenden Methode. Die umfassende Methode bleibt dabei verschwommen, und es ist zweifelhaft, ob man dafur uberhaupt den Begriff der Methode verwenden sollte. Denn jedes wissenschaftliche Vorgehen — und wohl auch jedes Alltagswissen — beruht auf Vergleichen. Damit ware die Bezeichnung vergleichende Politikwissenschaft jedoch inhaltsleer und bedeutungslos.

Das politische System Schwedens

Schweden gilt auf vielen Ebenen als ein exemplarischer Fall, was, wenngleich mit hochst verschiedenen Implikationen, zur Etikettierung des „Modells Schweden“ gefuhrt hat.1 Dabei gilt Schweden nicht als Modell einer extremen Auspragung, sondern vielmehr als ein auffallendes Beispiel der politischen Ausgewogenheit.2 Konsensus, Verhandlung, Integration sind Schlusselbegriffe in der Analyse der schwedischen Gesellschaft. Diese Eigenschaften lassen sich sowohl im Bereich der industriellen Beziehungen als auch auf anderen Gebieten des politischen Systems finden. Besonders hervorzuheben sind die Rechte des Parlamentsprasidenten bei der Regierungsbildung, die kollektive Beschlusfassung der Regierung und die verhaltnismasig kleinen Ministerien. Das Rechtssystem zeichnet sich durch die Schlusselrolle der Verwaltungsgerichte und das fehlende Verfassungsgericht aus. Auserdem ist die verfassungsrechtliche Sicherung des Offentlichkeitsprinzips und der Pressefreiheit besonders zu erwahnen. Schon an dieser Stelle mus betont werden, das gegenwartig in Schweden fundamentale Veranderungen stattfinden, die von vielen Beobachtern mit der Erosion des „schwedischen Modells“ gleichgesetzt werden. Viele dieser Aspekte konnen momentan schwer eingeschatzt werden. Die folgende Darstellung des politischen Systems Schwedens3 kann diese Veranderung nicht in ihrer Komplexitat wiedergeben, sondern nur andeuten.

The Veto Player Approach in Macro-Comparative Politics: Concepts and Measurement

Over the last decade, analytical tools in modern macro-comparative analysis have become increasingly sophisticated. Yet our concern with problems of causal inferences has, to a large extent, over-shadowed the equally important matters of conceptualization and measurement. Both the operationalization of highly elaborated analytical concepts and the empirical data employed are often crude and unsuitable for elaborate analysis. Furthermore, macro-comparative analysis has been criticized with regard to conceptual issues. It is claimed that highly aggregated data analysis lacks a micro-foundation and thus renders causal assumptions from structural data doubtful. This chapter focusses on veto player theory that currently attracts extensive attention in political science research and might be viable in order to mitigate the above mentioned analytical weaknesses. The chapter distinguishes between a veto point analysis, which has most analytical problems mentioned above, and veto player analysis. The latter has a micro-foundation rooted in rational choice theory. As veto player analysis is still flawed with regard to accounting for actors’ preferences and institutional settings, this chapter introduces a novel veto player index that is time variant for both aspects and thus achieves a fundamental improvement in veto player analysis. Although I do not overcome all analytical problems here, the new index is certainly a fundamental improvement for the veto player analysis.